¹ The best known representative of this school writing in English is Vladimir Dedijer.

² For a recent example of this approach, see Beloff, Nora, Tito's Flawed Legacy (London, 1985).Google Scholar

³ Lenin's controversy with the Liquidators is explored in Swain, Geoffrey, Russian Social Democracy and the Legal Labour Movement (London, 1983).Google Scholar

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⁵ Jovanović, Nadežda, “Milan Gorkić: prilog za biografiju”, Istorija 20 veka, I (1983), pp. 45–46Google Scholar; and Bosić, , “Aktivnost KPJ na stvaranju”, pp. 148–151.Google Scholar

⁶ Bosić, , “Aktivnost KPJ na stvaranju”, pp. 161–167.Google Scholar

⁷ Archive of the Yugoslav League of Communists Central Committee, Belgrade [hereafter, ACK], KI 1936/434.

⁸ Jovanović, , “Milan Gorkić”, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁹ ACK, KI 1936/279, 1936/364, and 1936/379 (1936/304 shows that the purge trials starting in Moscow also hampered an agreement); and Jelić, Ivan, “O nekim problemima stvaranja narodne fronte u Hrvatske, 1936”, Historijski zbornik (1976–1977), pp. 538–541.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Tito, Josip Broz, Sabrana djela [hereafter, Works] (Belgrade, 1977), vol. I, pp. 40–41, and ACK, KI 1937/121.Google Scholar

¹¹ ACK, KI 1937/121, 1937/161; and Jovanović, , “Milan Gorkić”, p. 51.Google Scholar See also Djilas, Milovan, Memoires of a Revolutionary (New York, 1973), p. 159.Google Scholar It is perhaps worth quoting from ACK, KI 1937/121, to reinforce the charge of Liquidationism against Gorkić. This document comprises a series of translated excerpts from Gorkić's correspondence with the Comintern. He says: “The illegal [party] leadership must legalize as much of its work as possible, enlarging its size and quality by bringing in activists from legal work and legal organizations – its directives must, where-ever possible, be sent legally; its links with cells, groups and the party membership maintained legally […]. In general, there is no longer any point in talking about an illegal technical apparatus.” Someone, presumably the Comintern official preparing the German translation of these excerpts for the commission looking into Gorkić's fate, has put exclamation marks against these passages. To abolish the technical apparatus which linked the party to the emigré leadership, and to encourage activists of the legal labour movement to take the lead in party affairs, was precisely what Lenin opposed as Liquidationism between 1908–1912, see note 3. However reasonable Gorkić's proposals might seem, they were un-Leninist.

¹² ACK, KI 1937/1.

¹³ ACK, KI 1937/61, and 1937/121.

¹⁴ ACK, KI 1937/55, and 1937/82.

¹⁵ ACK, KI 1938/3. Gorkić did visit Britain in the course of his Comintern work, see Jovanović, , “Milan Gorkić”, p. 36.Google Scholar The spy story probably gained some credence, in the atmosphere of the purge trials, form Gorkić's disastrous attempt to organize the mass transport of Yugoslav volunteers to Republican Spain on board a French ship which the police successfully intercepted. The archives show the whole question of handling volunteers to Spain was removed from his control and he himself was prevented from visiting Spain, see ACK, KI 1937/32 and 19037/61. Gorkić was warned prior to his fateful trip to Moscow that “he had fallen far short” of what was expected of him, see ACK, KI 1937/83.

¹⁶ Tito, , Works, III, pp. 91, 124, p. 239 n. 340.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Tito, , Works, III, p. 242 n. 364, p. 246 n. 406, and IV, p. 77.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 244 n. 45, p. 251 n. 99.Google Scholar

¹⁹ ACK, KI 1937/112.

²⁰ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 59Google Scholar; Marić, Miloš, Deca komunizma (Belgrade, 1987), p. 76Google Scholar; Čolaković, Rodoljub, Pregled istorije Saveza Komunista Jugoslavije (Belgrade, 1963), p. 246Google Scholar; and Cenčić, Vjenceslav, Enigma Kopinič, 2 vols (Belgrade, 1983), I, pp. 77–85.Google Scholar Although the Cenčić book caused much controversy when published, and the author is prone to exaggerating the importance of Kopinič, most of the controversy surrounded volume two and the events of July 1941; the outline of events prior to 1941 has not been seriously questioned.

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²² ACK, KI 1938/3.

²³ ACK, KI 1938/13.

²⁴ ACK, KI 1938/4; and Damjanović, Pero, Tito na Čelu partije (Belgrade, 1968), p. 78.Google Scholar

²⁵ ACK, KI 1937/23.

²⁶ Tito, , Works, IV, pp. 36, 48.Google Scholar

²⁷ ACK, KI 1938/3.

²⁸ Čolaković, , Pregled, pp. 248–250Google Scholar; and Jelić, Ivan, Komunistička Partija Hrvatske, 2 vols (Zagreb, 1981), I, p. 229.Google Scholar

²⁹ Čolaković, , Pregled, pp. 220–228Google Scholar; and Jelić, , KPH, p. 153.Google Scholar

³⁰ Cenčić, , Kopinič, I, p. 86.Google Scholar

³¹ ACK, KI 1937/112 and 1938/8.

³² Tito, , Works, IV, pp. 124, 129.Google Scholar

³³ Cenčić, , Kopinič, I, pp. 88–100Google Scholar; and Shirinya, K. K., Strategiya i taktika Kominterna v bor'be protiv fashizm i voiny, 1934–39 (Moscow, 1979), p. 352.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 144.Google Scholar

³⁶ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 55Google Scholar; and Bosić, Milovan, “Komunistička Partija Jugoslavije u parlemantarnim izborima 11 Decembra 1938”, Istorija radničkog pokreta, Zbornik radova II (1965), pp. 322–354.Google Scholar

³⁷ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 141.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Tito, , Works, IV, p. 165.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Proleter, no. 1, 05 1939.Google Scholar

⁴² ACK, KI 1939/23.

⁴³ Tito, , Works, IV, pp. 231–232, and V, p. 28Google Scholar; and ACK, SP I–b/12.

⁴⁴ Tito, , Works, IV, pp. 196–197, 233.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ ACK, CK KPJ 1940/28. An archivist has written on these notes – made on the content of Proleter, no. 2, 1940 – that they were “probably” written by Tito. The tone of the criticisms of various aspects of the paper makes it virtually impossible to imagine the author was anyone but Tito. In a comment on the “imperialist” war the author notes that communist propaganda for neutrality and good trade relations between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany meant communists were “actually on the side of the Germans”; this perhaps explains why the editors of Tito's Works preferred to leave out the notes.

⁵⁰ Tito, , Works, V, p. 197.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Djilas, , Memoires, p. 340.Google Scholar

⁵² Tito, , Works, V, p. 203Google Scholar; and Izvori za istoriju SKJ: peta zemaljska konferencija KPJ (Belgrade, 1980), p. 247 [hereafter Peta zemaljska konferencija].Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Cenčić, , Kopinič, I, p. 128.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Proleter, no. 7/8, 1940.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Proleter, no. 5, 1940.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ For examples of use by Tito, see Works, V, pp. 132, 149.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Tito, , Works, VI, p. 203.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid., p. 201.

⁶¹ Ibid., pp. 205, 225–226.

⁶² For a more detailed discussion of the debates within the Comintern at this time, see Swain, Geoffrey, “The Comintern in Southern Europe, 1938–43”, in Judt, Tony (ed.), Resistance and Revolution in Mediterranean Europe (London, 1989).Google Scholar

⁶³ We know Tito discussed events in Spain with Yugoslav volunteers who had taken refuge in Moscow, see Maslarić, Bozidar, Moskva-Madrid-Moskva (Zagreb, 1952), pp. 95–96.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Diaz, José, “Ob urokakh voiny ispanskogo naroda”, Bol'shevik, 1 (1940), pp. 31, 34.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 32.

⁶⁶ Ibid.; Meshcheryakov, M. T., Ispanskaya respublika i Komintern (Moscow, 1981), p. 67Google Scholar; and Togliatti, Palmiro, Opere (Rome, 1974), IV vol. I, p. 406.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Funk, K., “Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg: Internationaler der Tat”, Die Kommunistische Internationale, 2 (1941), pp. 46–51.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Proleter, no. 1, 1941.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Tito, , Works, VI, p. 126.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Ibid., pp. 151–181.

⁷¹ Ibid., p. 215.

⁷² ACK, CK KPJ 1941/205.

⁷³ ACK, CK KPJ 1941/15.

⁷⁴ Tito, , Works, VI, p. 213.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Jelić, Ivan, “Majsko savjetovanje rukovodstva KPJ u Zagrebu 1941.g.”, Časopis za suvremenu povijest (1984), pp. 3–15.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Jelić, , “Majsko savjetovanje”, p. 16.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Dedijer, Vladimir, Novi prilozi za biografiju Josipa Broza Tita (Rijeka, 1981), I–II, pp. 421–422.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Tito, , Works, VII, p. 41.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid., p. 23.

⁸¹ Dedijer, , Novi prilozi, I–II, p. 430.Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid., p. 45.

⁸³ Peta zemaljska konferencija, pp. 210–213Google Scholar; and Marjanović, Jovan, “Jugoslavija, KPJ i KI (april-septembar 1941)”, Zbornik filozofskog fakulteta, knj. II–I, p. 738.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Izvori za istoriju SKJ: dokumenti centralnih organa KPJ, NOR, i Revolucije 1941–45(Belgrade, 1985), I, p. 450Google Scholar n. 136 [hereafter Izvori]; Dedijer, , Novi prilozi, I–II, pp. 430, 474Google Scholar; and Cenčić, , Kopinič, I, pp. 292, 303.Google Scholar There are numerous other negative comments on the role played by Srebrenjak: Kopinič believed Srebrenjak was also a German agent.

⁸⁵ Early in July 1941, Kopinič, claiming to be acting on the instructions of the Comintern, dismissed the Central Committee of the Croatian Communist Party and appointed a temporary leadership based on the Zagreb Municipal Committee. This “Kopinič affair”

⁸⁶ Izvori, I, p. 66.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid., p. 63.