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2 One would, however, probably have to exclude the Ghadar movement from this general statement. This revolutionary organization established by Indian migrants in the United States and Canada shortly before the First World War has continued to fascinate historians from various backgrounds. The more important works include: Ramnath, Maia, ‘Two revolutions: the Ghadar movement and India’s radical diaspora, 1913–1918’, Radical History Review, 92, 2005, pp. 7–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Puri, Harish K., Ghadar movement: ideology, organisation, and strategy, Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University Press, 1983.Google Scholar

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4 See the Ghadar literature, cited above, and Dignan, Don, The Indian revolutionary problem in British diplomacy, New Delhi: Private Publishers, 1983.Google Scholar

5 Cf., for instance, Barooah, Nirode K., Chatto, the life and times of an Indian anti-imperialist in Europe, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004Google Scholar, and Brown, Emily, Har Dayal, Hindu revolutionary and rationalist, repr. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976.Google Scholar

6 Cf. Watt, Carey, Serving the nation. Cultures of service, association and citizenship in colonial India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 5–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Bayly, C. A., The birth of the modern world, 1780–1914, Oxford: Blackwell, 2004, pp. 451–87.Google Scholar See also Hopkins, A. G., ‘The history of globalization – and the globalization of history?’, in Hopkins, ed., Globalization in world history, London: Pimlico, 2002, pp. 11–46, pp. 28–9.Google Scholar

8 Adas, Michael, ‘Contested hegemony; the Great War and the Afro-Asian assault on the civilizing mission ideology’, Journal of World History, 15, 1, 2004, pp. 31–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and his earlier rendition ‘The Great War and the decline of the civilizing mission’, in Sears, Laurie, ed., Autonomous histories: particular truths, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993, pp. 101–22.Google Scholar Adas’s interpretation has been adopted by many other scholars, cf. Iriye, Akira, ‘Beyond imperialism: the new internationalism’, Daedalus, 134, 2, 2005, pp. 108–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Duara, Prasenjit, ‘The discourse of civilization and Pan-Asianism’, Journal of World History, 12, 1, 2001, pp. 99–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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10 Lahiri, Shompa, Indians in Britain. Anglo-Indian encounters, race and identity, 1880–1930, London and Portland: Frank Cass, 1999, p. 5.Google Scholar

11 See, for instance, The Times, 1 September 1908, p. 5.

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13 T. R. Sareen, Indian revolutionaries, Japan, p. 8. Cf. also Karl, Rebecca, ‘Creating Asia: China in the world at the beginning of the 20th century’, AHR, 103, 4, 1998, pp. 1096–118, pp. 1110–11.Google Scholar

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19 A whole set of new laws was passed to cope with the challenge of sedition. Most importantly, censorship was handled very strictly. Cf. also Rai, Lajpat, Betrachtungen über die politische Lage in Indien. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben vom Europäischen Zentralkomitee der indischen Nationalisten, Leipzig, 1917, pp. 9–13.Google Scholar

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22 For biographical accounts of Krishnavarma, see Verma, Ganeshi Lal, Shyamji Krishna Varma, the unknown patriot, New Delhi: Govt. of India, Publications Division, 1993Google Scholar, Sarda, Har Bilas, Shyamji Krishna Varma: patriot and perfect, Ajmer: Vedic Yantralay, 1959Google Scholar, and Yajnik, Indulal, Shyamaji Krishnavarma. Life and times of an Indian revolutionary, Bombay: Lakshmi Publications, 1950.Google Scholar

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24 Ker, Political trouble, p. 156, and Bose, ed., Indian revolutionaries: documents, pp. 6–8.

25 The paper appeared until 1922, with a long interruption caused by the First World War. See also A. M. Shah, ‘The Indian Sociologist, 1905–14, 1920–22’, Economic and Political Weekly, August 2006, pp. 3435–9.

26 Ibid., p. 3436.

27 Shah, ‘The Indian Sociologist’.

28 Cf., for instance, the article ‘A startling scientific truth’, The Indian Sociologist [hereafter IS], 8, 2, 1912, pp. 5–7, and the discussion in Kapila, Shruti, ‘Self, Spencer and Swaraj: nationalist thought and critiques of liberalism, 1890–1920’, Modern Intellectual History, 4, 1, 2007, pp. 109–27, especially pp. 114–16.Google Scholar

29 Cf., for instance, Anonymous, British Rule in India. Condemned by the British themselves, London: The Indian National Party, 1915.

30 IS, I, 1, 1905 p. 1.

31 Ibid.

32 IS, 2, 4, 1906, p. 13.

33 IS, 1, 5, 1905, p. 17.

34 Lahiri, Indians in Britain, p. 122.

35 Yajnik, Shyamaji Krishnavarma, p. 127. Cf. also IS, 2, 3, 1906, p. 13.

36 The most detailed account of the murder and especially the ensuing trial can be found in Malwinder Jit Singh Waraich and Kuldip Puri, Tryst with martyrdom. Trial of Madan Lal Dhingra, Chandigarh: Unistar 2003.

37 Brown, Har Dayal, p. 25. Given this association of the ‘India House’ in Highgate with terrorism during the 1900s, it seems somewhat ironic that the British Government later chose to give the seat of the Indian High Commission in London – it was opened with grand éclat in 1930 – the same name.

38 Joshi, V. C., Lajpat Rai. Autobiographical writings, Jullundur and Delhi: University Publishers, 1965, pp. 103–8.Google Scholar

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41 Krüger, Anfänge sozialistischen Denkens, p. 71.

42 Bose, ed., Indian revolutionaries abroad, pp. 28–9.

43 Ker, Political trouble, p. 177.

44 Chowdhury-Sengupta, Indira, ‘Reconstructing Hinduism on a world platform: the world’s first parliament of religions, Chicago 1893’, in Radice, William, ed., Swami Vivekananda, and the modernisation of Hinduism, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 17–35.Google Scholar

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46 Abhedananda moved to the USA in 1896. His book India and her people, containing some of his lectures given in the United States, was proscribed in India as seditious literature.

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50 Cf., for instance, the article ‘Our disinterested friends’, published in IS, 2, 9, 1906, p. 35. It had appeared earlier in the Gaelic American, 26 May 1906.

51 Cited in Yajnik, Shyamaji Krishnavarma, p. 235.

52 APAC, IOR: L/PJ/6/871, File 1956, 2 June 1908, ‘House of Commons question on the Indian Sociologist, a seditious newspaper, prohibited in India but printed and published in London’. Nonetheless copies continued to flow into the country mostly through French and Portuguese enclaves in the subcontinent.

53 Ganachari, Aravind, ‘Two Indian revolutionary associations abroad: some new light on the Pan Aryan Association and the Indo-Japanese Association’, in Aravind Ganachari, Nationalism and social reform in a colonial situation, New Delhi: Kalpaz, 2005, pp. 137–47, p. 139.Google Scholar

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56 On Madame Cama, cf. Yadav, B. D., and Bakshi, S. R., Madam Bhikaji Cama, New Delhi: Anmol, 1991.Google Scholar

57 Ibid., pp. 52–3, and Ganachari, ‘Two revolutionary associations’, p. 139.

58 For biographical details, see Aravind Ganachari, ‘An early American contributor to India’s struggle for freedom: Myron H. Phelps (1856–1916)’, in Aravind Ganachari, Nationalism and social reform, pp. 149–60.

59 Raucher, Alan, ‘American anti-imperialists and the pro-India movement 1900–1932’, Pacific Historical Review, 43, 1, 1974, pp. 83–110, p. 83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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64 Cf. also Aydin, Cemil, ‘A global anti–Western moment? The Russo-Japanese War, decolonization and Asian modernity’, in Conrad, Sebastian and Sachsenmaier, Dominic, eds, Competing visions of world order. Global movements and moments, 1880s to the 1930s, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 213–36, especially pp. 224–9.Google Scholar

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69 Bose, however, mentions the year 1905 in this context. Cf. Bose, Indian revolutionaries abroad, p. 67.

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72 For the geo-strategic and economic background of the British relations with Japan in this phase see also Dignan, Indian revolutionary problem, pp. 6–21.

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77 Cited in Krüger, Anfänge sozialistischen Denkens, p. 75.

78 Ibid., p. 76.

79 Sareen, Indian revolutionaries, Japan, p. 13, and Bose, ed., Indian revolutionaries: documents, pp. 112–13.

80 Bose, Indian revolutionaries abroad, p. 68.

81 Krüger, Anfänge sozialistischen Denkens, p. 78. Cf. also Ker, Political trouble, pp. 121–2.

82 For a brief but useful analysis of Barakatullah in the context of the Pan-Islamic movement in South Asia, see also Ansari, K. H., ‘Pan Islam and the making of the early Indian Muslim socialists’, Modern Asian Studies, 20, 3, 1986, pp. 509–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially pp. 515–17.

83 Sareen, Indian revolutionaries, Japan, p. 14.

84 Bose, Indian revolutionaries abroad, p. 69.

85 Barnett, Yukiko Sumi, ‘India in Asia: Ōkawa Shūmei’s pan-Asian thought and his idea of India in early-twentieth-century-Japan’, Journal of the Oxford University History Society, 1, 2004, p. 6, http://users.ox.ac.uk/∼jouhs/hilary2004/sumi01.pdf,consulted18February2007.Google Scholar

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87 This ‘Asianist’ vision of a new world order for the twentieth century is most explicit in Hyndman, Henry M., The awakening of Asia, London: Cassell & Co., 1919.Google Scholar

88 See, for instance, Hyndman, Henry M., The bankruptcy of India, London, 1886.Google Scholar

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96 On O’Donnell and the origins of Indo-Irish co-operation in the 1870s, see also Cumpston, ‘Some early Indian nationalists’, pp. 281–6.

97 Verma, Shyamji Krishna Varma, p. 59.

98 Reprinted in IS, 7, 1, 1911, p. 4.

99 For an account of the early phase on Irish-American terrorism, see Short, K. R. M., The dynamite war: Irish-American bombers in Victorian Britain, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan 1978.Google Scholar

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102 APAC, IOR: L\P&J\12\1, file 126\13 Government of India, Political Dept., Circular No. 12 of 1912, ‘Indian agitation in America’.

103 Ibid., pp. 22–3.

104 There is, by now, a substantial body of work on pan-Asianism in Japan. See, for instance, Saaler, Sven, and Koschmann, Victor, Pan-Asianism in modern Japanese history. Colonialism, regionalism and borders, New York: Routledge, 2007Google Scholar, and Sumi Barnett, ‘India in Asia’.

105 Kakuzo Okakura, The ideals of the East. With special reference to the art of Japan, London: John Murray, 1904.

106 Ibid., p. 3.

107 On the relationship between Tagore and Okakura, cf. also Bharucha, Rustom, Another Asia. Rabindranath Tagore and Okakura Tenshin, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Richter, Steffi and Waligora, Melitta, ‘Die Erfindung Asiens: Tagore und Okakura auf der Suche nach Identität’, Asien, Afrika, Lateinamerika, 24, 1, 1996, pp. 17–31.Google Scholar

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111 Cf., for example, Duus, Peter, ‘Nagai Ryutaro and the “white peril”, 1905–1944’, Journal of Asian Studies, 31, 1, 1971, pp. 41–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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113 Ganachari, ‘Two Indian revolutionary associations’, p. 143.

114 Cf. also Bose, Indian revolutionaries abroad, p. 70.

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