European Studies

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the Constitutional settlement agreed in Dayton. The Bosnian-Herzegovinian everyday reality that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with on a daily basis stands as an unquestionable witness to the necessity of the Constitution changes, which was adopted as an integral part of a Peace Agreement which only or most important goal was to "end the war". After the cessation of armed conflict, the large number of B&H administration, overlapping of competencies, inconsistency of internal structure (one part (entity) functions on the "republican model" while the other on the "federal"), and above all the reality of everyday life, as well as the challenges encountered by the citizens of B&H imposed as a necessity changes of the Constitu...

In cultural and intellectual terms, one of the EU’s most important objectives in pursuing unification has been to develop a common historical narrative of Europe. Across ten compelling case studies, this volume examines the premises underlying such a project to ask: Could such an uncontested history of Europe ever exist? Combining studies of national politics, supranational institutions and the fraught EU−Mideast periphery with a particular focus on the twentieth century, this volume offers a fascinating survey of the attempt to forge a post-national identity politics.

This article examines how 'safety case' experts working on Finland’s nuclear waste repository project at Olkiluoto summoned, conjured, or channeled memories of Seppo—a deceased colleague whose ‘specter,’ as some put it, still ‘haunts’ their scientific community. For some, Seppo’s postmortem presence manifested as gaps in knowledge left behind by an expert often reluctant to document the methodological assumptions underlying his knowledge-practices. For others, it manifested as anecdotes about Seppo’s stubbornness, irritability, and intellectual intensity as well as his more jovial demeanor during sauna nights, workplace parties, or trips abroad. Still others caught themselves asking ‘What Would Seppo Do?’ while troubleshooting at work. Inspired by anthropological and philosophical work on ancestors and haunting, the article unpacks how the multi-millennial time horizons of nuclear waste risk, the intergenerational time horizons of expert succession, and the everyday time horizons of a single expert life-course shared entwined fates. It focuses less on what knowledge disappeared when an expert’s body died – or how it could have been preventatively backed-up or managed – and more on what has lived on of the expert in and through surviving colleagues. Analysis of 'afterlives of expertise' like these can, it concludes, provide insights for a current moment of intergenerational transition in nuclear energy sectors in Europe, North America, and beyond.

The period 550 to 750 was one in which monastic culture became more firmly entrenched in Western Europe. The role of monasteries and their relationship to the social world around them was transformed during this period as monastic institutions became more integrated in social and political power networks. This collected volume of essays focuses on one of the central figures in this process, the Irish ascetic exile and monastic founder, Columbanus (c. 550-615), his travels on the Continent, and the monastic network he and his Frankish disciples established in Merovingian Gaul and Lombard Italy.

The post-Roman kingdoms through which Columbanus travelled and established his monastic foundations were made up of many different communities of peoples. As an outsider and immigrant, how did Columbanus and his communities interact with these peoples? How did they negotiate differences and what emerged from these encounters? How societies interact with outsiders can reveal the inner workings and social norms of that culture. This volume aims to explore further the strands of this vibrant contact and to consider all of the geographical spheres in which Columbanus and his monastic communities operated (Ireland, Merovingian Gaul, Alamannia, Lombard Italy) and the varieties of communities he and his successors came in contact with — whether they were royal, ecclesiastic, aristocratic, or grass-roots.

Table of Contents

Preface
List of Abbreviations
Maps
Contributors
Foreword Walter Pohl
Part I: Columbanus in Context
Chapter 1: Introduction: Columbanus and Europe Alexander O'Hara
Chapter 2: Columbanus and the Language of Concord Damian Bracken
Part II: The Insular Background
Chapter 3: The Political Background to Columbanus's Irish Career Dáibhí Ó Cróinín
Chapter 4: Movers and Shakers? How Women Shaped the Career of Columbanus Elva Johnston
Chapter 5: Columbanus's Ulster Education Alex Woolf
Part III: The Frankish World
Chapter 6: Columbanus in Brittany Ian Wood
Chapter 7: Columbanus and Shunning: The Irish peregrinus between Gildas, Gaul, and Gregory Clare Stancliffe
Chapter 8: Orthodoxy and Authority: Jonas, Eustasius, and the Agrestius Affair Andreas Fischer
Chapter 9: Columbanus and the Mission to the Bavarians and the Slavs in the Seventh Century Herwig Wolfram
Part IV: On the Fringe: Columbanus and Gallus in Alamannia
Chapter 10: Between the Devil and the deep Lake Constance: Jonas of Bobbio, interpretatio Christiana, and the Pagan Religion of the Alamanni Bernhard Maier
Chapter 11: Drinking with Woden: A Re-Examination of Jonas's Vita Columbani I. 27 Francesco Borri
Chapter 12: Between Metz and Überlingen: Columbanus and Gallus in Alamannia Yaniv Fox
Chapter 13: Quicumque sunt rebelles, foras exeant! Columbanus's Rebellious Disciple Gallus Philipp Dörler
Part V: Lombard Italy and Columbanus's Legacy
Chapter 14: Columbanus, Bobbio, and the Lombards Stefano Gasparri
Chapter 15: Disputing Columbanus's Heritage: The Regula cuiusdam patris (with a translation of the Rule) Albrecht Diem

The European Parliament (EP) adopted, between 2004 and 2009, a series of resolutions calling for recognition of Communist crimes and commemoration of their victims. This article focuses on an overlooked aspect of anti-Communist activism, the awareness-raising activities carried out by some Central European Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to perpetuate the cause through networks that enable them to exchange institutional credibility, scientific legitimacy, and policy-oriented knowledge with Institutes of National Memory, parts of academia, and victims associations. Although they use the techniques of expertise and scandalization that are often effective in European institutions, these memory entrepreneurs have largely failed to further their claims in the European Union (EU) after 2009. In line with the turn toward “practice” in EU studies and the increased attention paid to agency in memory politics, this article contends that the conditions of production of their narrativ...

Future. Il domani narrato dalle voci di oggi, an anthology published in Italy in 2019, comprises writing by 11 self-identified black Italian women. As the book’s title suggests, their work, mostly personal accounts of being black women in Italy, is forward-looking while grounded in contemporary realities: a tomorrow narrated by the voices of today. The essays also are steeped in Italian history and particularly a past that only recently has begun to be acknowledged: that of Italian empire and its African colonies. The book—the first literary anthology by black Italian women— is a political intervention, an act of resistance to the racism and anti-immigrant attitudes that have become alarmingly widespread in Italian society and politics.

Con questa preziosa analisi Carlo Pallard tratteggia un vivace e puntuale disegno della storia più recente di questo complesso Paese, del suo tormentato percorso verso la modernità. Un cammino segnato da colpi di stato riusciti e da altri falliti, da processi riformatori e da regressioni autoritarie. Da aperture laiche e da chiusure tradizionaliste dell'ideologia islamica. Chiarisce quello che è stato il ruolo reale del potere militare nella vicenda storica della Turchia. Ruolo che spesso in Occidente è stato equivocato e addirittura mitizzato. Getta una luce sui passaggi cruciali della storia repubblicana della Turchia la cui corretta conoscenza è di fondamentale importanza per interpretare con fedeltà, senza distorsioni, anche questa fase politica transitoria dalle prospettive incerte per il futuro del paese. La Turchia, da quello che appare nei media è un paese di cui si parla molto, ma di cui si conosce molto poco... e si scrive altrettanto poco, in particolare in Italia. Ragion per cui il lettore in questo saggio troverà una utile e fedele chiave interpretativa dell'evoluzione del complesso quadro politico della Turchia dal 1960 ad oggi, utile soprattutto per comprendere quella che sembra essere la parabola discendente dell'era di Erdoğan e del suo partito.

(Dalla prefazione di Mariano Giustino)

Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers big questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including:

What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy?

Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late?

Can Trump's America be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan?

Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil?

Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism?

Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds?

Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule?

What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy?

Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways you understand populism and imagine the prospects of liberal democracy.

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origini al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022.
Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al prezzo di 28 euro nelle migliori librerie e con uno sconto dai rivenditori online. 
Di seguito un breve abstract, l'Indice, una presentazione dell'Autore e la bibliografia utilizzata.

J.F. Kennedy once said: “Consumers, by definition, include us all.” Indeed, no matter where we look in the Croatian legal system, we come across a new consumer. Sometimes this is a consumer protected by lex generalis for consumer protection, the Consumer Protection Act. Another time it is a consumer protected by the Obligations Act or, more specifically, the Consumer Credit Act and even more specifically by the Mortgage Consumer Credit Act. If he pays for something he has bought, he is also a consumer protected by the Payment System Act, and if he has decided to travel around by means of a package travel arrangement, he is a consumer enjoying protection under the Act on Provision of Services in Tourism. The first part of this paper is devoted to legal development of the Croatian consumer protection law and presentation of consumer rights as guaranteed by the main source of consumer protection in Croatia, namely, by the Consumer Protection Act.

Hans Frank was Adolf Hitler’s personal attorney. In Frank’s memoir, published seven years after his execution in 1946 at the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, Frank claimed to have uncovered evidence in 1930 that Hitler’s paternal grandfather was a Jewish man living in Graz, Austria, in the household where Hitler’s grandmother was employed. Contemporary historians have largely dismissed Frank’s claim, primarily on the grounds that there were purportedly no Jews living in Graz in 1836, when Hitler’s father Alois Schicklgruber was conceived. This consensus can be traced to a single historian, Nikolaus von Preradovich, who claimed that ‘not a single Jew’ ( kein einziger Jude) was living in Graz prior to 1856. No independent scholarship has confirmed Preradovich’s conjecture. In this paper, evidence is presented that there was in fact eine kleine, nun angesiedelte Gemeinde – ‘a small, now settled community’ – of Jews living in Graz before 1850. The contemporary consensus reg...

This thesis analyses the idea of central bank independence, how it shaped the creation of the European Central Bank (ECB) and its management of the Euro Crisis. Based on a genealogical analysis, the thesis identifies the central normative commitments undergirding the insulation of monetary policy from ordinary democratic politics. It argues that central bank independence is an institutional response to the ‘problem of politics’ in relation to money: the problem that money is simultaneously founded on political authority and fundamentally threatened by the ordinary exercise of this authority. Central bank independence, then, constitutes a way of grounding the value of money politically while at the same time depoliticising its government. The form that central bank independence takes in practice, however, differs substantially, reflecting different ways of wedding the idea to broader constitutional imaginaries. Drawing comparisons to other major central banks, the thesis details the ECB’s form of independence and argues that the creation of the ECB not as a government agency (as the Fed) or a societal power on a par with the government (as the Bundesbank), but as a sovereign representative on a par with the Member States altered the constitutional make-up of the Eurozone. As the existential crisis of the euro shows, general tensions within central bank independence become irresolvable contradictions in this constitutional construct. Without institutional mechanisms for resolving them through ordinary politics, the emergency politics of the Euro Crisis placed the ECB centre-stage, engaged in the ‘higher lawmaking’ of changing the Eurozone’s constitution in order to save it. In doing so, however, the ECB redefined the meaning of its independence and reignited ‘the problem of politics’ by undermining its underlying social contract.

In recent decades, civil society organisations (CSOs) have grown both in number and in their impact on policy-making, at European and also non-Member state level. Public institutions, motivated by the need to increase their legitimacy, have increasingly delegated functions to CSOs. Concomitantly, CSOs have expanded their access to public funding. In part because of increased access to public funding, and in part because of a stronger relationship with public powers, CSOs are under pressure to demonstrate that they use the resources they are given in an efficient, accountable and transparent manner, e.g. by adopting policies on fiscal transparency, and by maintaining financial solvency. The EU's interest in regulating CSOs is relatively recent. At present, the legal framework addressing CSOs' financial accountability includes two 'categories' of norms: those that regulate the award of public contracts and the concession of grants, and those norms that address transparency and openness. The first category includes the rules on public contracts and the rules on (co-)financing of CSO projects; whereas the second category includes the Financial Transparency Initiative (FTJ) and the Joint Transparency Register
(JTR). The FTJ gathers all information on EU funding in a single database. The JTR gathers information produced by the various organisations (including CSOs) that are interested in lobbying the EU, and who register voluntarily. Defining the boundaries of CSO fiscal accountability and effectively tackling cases of fraud or financial mismanagement remains a difficult endeavor. On the one hand, the EU still lacks a single overarching understanding (and, consequently, legal definition) of CSOs. This translates into the absence of clear legal definitions, and more generally into
the opacity of the information available on CSOs through EU databases. Moreover, as CSOs are 'private entities', they are not submitted to the same integrity mechanisms and norms that apply to public institutions, including internal and external oversight. Finally, a significant administrative burden imposed on CSOs may, in the end, counter EU efforts to tackle financial mismanagement by CSOs. In many respects, the issue of CSO financial accountability has come to resemble a dialogue of the deaf: EU institution-proposed reforms have been postponed, or have not produced the outcomes expected, or have been fiercely opposed by CSOs. At the same time, the self-regulatory tools (including policies on selecting donors, self monitoring and codes of conduct and standards) developed by CSOs to enhance their
financial accountability have not obtained official recognition from EU institutions.

L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è compiere una riflessione ed un’analisi del documento storico del Manifesto di Ventotene. La sua rilevanza, dal punto di vista storico, non necessita certo di introduzioni: il Manifesto è universalmente riconosciuto come una delle eredità più vive e visionarie dell’antifascismo italiano e, parimenti, sfondo culturale da cui prende le mosse il federalismo europeo in terra italiana. Il punto principale del mio studio riguarda i contenuti del Manifesto, la sua proposta così chiara e diretta e al tempo stesso della portata così sovversiva ed innovativa. È proprio tra le pagine del Manifesto, infatti, che si sviluppa e prende forma il pensiero di un’Europa libera ed unita che si tramuterà, poi, in progetto politico. Le idee presentate, forti e dirompenti, sono espressione di persone giovani che, con freschezza e lungimiranza, delineano quale debba essere “la via da percorrere” . Una via che, seppur difficile, apre a mirabili orizzonti quali la risoluzione delle drammatiche tensioni tra stati, il raggiungimento dell’uguaglianza dei popoli e l’avvento di una pace che non sia solo una sosta tra le guerre.

Europe is currently experiencing a "refugee crisis", demonstrated by millions of displaced people unseen since World War II. This book examines the interface between the EU's response to irregular flows, in particular the main extraterritorial border and migration controls taken by the Member States, and the rights asylum seekers acquire from EU law.

"Remote control" techniques, such as the imposition of visas, fines on carriers transporting unsatisfactorily documented third-country nationals, and interception at sea are investigated in detail in a bid to assess the impact these measures have on access to asylum in the EU. The book also thoroughly analyses the rights recognised by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights to persons in need of international protection, inclusive of the principle of non-refoulement, the right to leave any country including one's own, the right to asylum, and the right to remedies and effective judicial protection.

The fundamental focus of the book is the relationship between the aforementioned border and migration controls and the rights of asylum seekers and, most importantly, how these rights (should) limit the scope of such measures and the ways in which they are implemented. The ultimate goal is to conclude whether the current series of extraterritorial mechanisms of pre-entry vetting is compatible in EU law with the EU rights of forced migrants.

Slovakia’s relations with the states of Eastern Europe not only have a bilateral impact, but contain geopolitical, security and economic dimensions as well. This article analyzes the domestic, bilateral and multilateral aspects of relations between Slovakia and Russia before and after the parliamentary elections of 1998, when Slovakia adopted a pro-Western course aimed at EU and NATO membership. The article also focuses on bilateral relations with Ukraine, where Slovakia is among the most active supporters of Ukraine’s future EU membership. The final sections analyze the Eastern policy of Slovakia – particularly within the framework of the EU’s Eastern Partnership and the Visegrad Group – as well as Slovakia’s relations with the new Eastern European partners, such as Belarus, Moldova and Georgia, as target countries of Slovakia’s “soft power.”

The economic and financial history of Greece offers interesting in- sights into the current worldwide economic crisis. In the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Greece went through a series of financial disasters due to external factors and to policies that failed to take fiscal stability into account, insofar as they relied heavily on foreign loans. These, in many cases, led to real bankruptcies. This article compares the attempted bailout by a British bank in 1893 with the salvage operation of 2010 that avoided the technical bank- ruptcy of Greece. Although the outcomes differed, owing to sharply different geopolitical and geo-economic contexts and to the amount of money committed to these financial operations, in both cases Greece relied on Europe to avoid impending financial disaster.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Bu makale, 1960lardan beri önemli bir çalışma konusu olan Avrupa’daki popülizmin mevcut durumunun teorik incelemesine odaklanmaktadır. Makale, 1960lar itibariyle yazılmış, farklı bilim insanlarının çalışmalarına atıfta bulunarak, popülizmin tanımı üzerine bir tartışma ile başlamaktadır. Ardından çalışma, ekonomik ve mülteci krizinin vurduğu Avrupa’da son on yılda fazlasıyla yaygınlaşan modern popülizmin özellikleri üzerinde durmaktadır. Bu makale ayrıca, 1960lardaki “ideolojinin sonu” tartışmalarıyla birlikte, neoliberal yönetim biçimleri ve popülist politik söylemlerin yükselişi arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemektedir. Makale popülizm incelemesini, hangisinin daha ilişkili olduğunu bulmak için analiz seviyelerinin kısa bir tartışmasıyla sonlandırmaktadır: lider mi, parti mi?

The monograph dedicated to the analysis of the politics of history in Ukraine, 'Eastern Europe', and 'Western Europe' in the 1980s - 2010s. Rich empirical material, detailed analysis of roles and performances of state (President, government, local governing bodies, and non-governmental) actors (NGOs, political parties, media, historians),

This study focuses on the European Union’s (EU) discursive construction, and representation in the process of its enlargement. It problematizes the presently common tendency of doing so in ways which portray EU expansion as an expansion of Europe. At issue are thus practices conflating and equating the EU and Europe which pervade much of related academic, political and public debates and discourses, and so structure how we know of and imagine enlarging EU. Embracing post-structuralist and discourse-theoretical analytical and interpretative framework, this work points to the political character of representing the EU in this and, for that matter, any other fashion. Pursuit of this assertion necessitates a ‘step back’ from, and critical consideration of mainstream political and scholarly presuppositions concerning the Union and its enlargement in their arbitrariness. The very problematization of practices equating the EU and Europe, or of their allied ‘Europe-building’ concept of ‘European identity’, is conceivable and ‘meaningful’ only once we admit that these are not politically innocent components of an ‘objective’ grasp on ‘present’ or ‘emergent’ social realities in Europe and the EU but instead ‘merely’ value-laden interpretative possibilities biased in favour of the EU-official federalist integration project. Anticipating a divergence in conceptions and portrayals of the Union by senior EU members, elite and institutions on the one hand, and the new post-communist Member States on the other, this study examines national discursive spaces in the so-called Visegrad countries. On the basis of this extensive empirical enquiry, it reports rather distinctive understandings of the EU/European integration therein, affirming thus the suspected dissonance from the EU mainstream. They are attributed to several factors, considerations and concerns which are posited to be very likely shared more widely among post-communist member countries. The Visegrad societies’ conceptions of the EU and of its relation to Europe converge on a number of crucial points. These can be seen and interpreted as combining into a latent alternative European integration project which envisions persisting primacy of national identifications and maintenance of the current social and political organization of European space. The EU is conceived of as enlarging common political superstructure of Europe of nations and their states rather than a certain culture-bound, ‘thicker’ community of ‘post-national’ subjects of a ‘pan-European’ federal entity with centre in Brussels. The study challenges in this context the prevalent political and scholarly tendency to reduce debates on and contention over the character and future of European integration to a binary conflict between the so-called ‘Euroenthusiasts’ vs. ‘Eurosceptics’. Building on insights of Lacanian psychoanalysis as deployed by discourse theorists, it suggests that it may be precisely the suppressed democratic conflict of competing visions and projects of European integration which greatly contributes to the lacking popular identification with the process and the EU, and prompts some ‘obscene’ or more ‘excessive’ expressions of discontent with it.

Una versión reducida del texto “An Unexpected Twist of Ideology. Neoliberalism and the Collapse
of the Soviet Bloc publicado en "Praktyka Teoretyczna", núm. 5, 2012. Traducción de Luis Martínez
Andrade. Metapolítica: marzo 2013.
The full English version also at Academia.edu: https://www.academia.edu/11798198/An_Unexpected_Twist_of_Ideology._Neoliberalism_and_the_Collapse_of_the_Soviet_Bloc

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

Çöplerin birikmesini takiben çürümeyle birlikte kimyasal ve bakteriyel süreçler başlamakta ve organik çöp materyalleri dönüşüme uğrayarak çöpler dekompoze olmakta ve gaz oluşumu çöplerin kapatılmasını izleyen üç aylık aerobik reaksiyonların ardından başlayan anaerobik stabilizasyonu reaksiyonlarla başlar ve bir süre giderek çoğalır, Neticede biogas türü olan çöplük gazına dönüşmektedir. Çöplük gazı; Metan (CH 4), Karbondioksid (CO2) ve Azot (N2) den oluşan bir gaz karışımıdır.Kontrolsüz Metan gazının kendisi hali hazırda adeta bir saatli bombadır. Maden Ocaklarındaki grizu patlamasının sabıkalısı olan gazdır o. Gazın oluşumu çöpün cinsi,çöplüklerin örtüsü,çöplüğün işletilme şekline bağlı olarak değişir. Kötü koku yaymanın vereceği rahatsızlığın yanısıra çöplük gazlan; çevreyi menfi yönde etkilemekte,kirletmekte ve potansiyel riskler taşımaktadır. Bu olumsuz negatif etkiler içinden sağlık açısından bir tehdit olduğu gibi çöp sahalarındaki metan gazı salınımı bitkilerin oluşumunu da engeller. Habitat fauna ve flora etkilenir. Diğer yandan gaz sıkışması nedeniyle,(yakın zamanda Mayıs(2017) ayında Bodrum'da ki patlama ve yangında olduğu gibi) patlama tehlikesi ve yangın riski taşır hatta bu yangının yayılması ormanlara sıçradığında da doğayı tahrip etme riski taşır. Ayrıca çöplük gazlan; sera etkisini arttırdığı ve ozon tabakasının üst katmanlarına zarar verdiğinden dolayı çöplük gazlarının atmosfere atılması yasaktır ve Doğanın korunması için çöplük gazlarının yakılarak imha edilmesi zorunludurBu bir gaz yakma bacasında, kazanda, bir gaz motorunda veyahut üçünün kombinasyonundan oluşan bir sistemde gerçekleştirebilmektedir. Fotograf : http://www.eprenewable.com/landfill-gas-to-energy Diğer yandan çöp sahasında açılan kuyular aracılığıyla metan gazının toplanıp borular vasıtasıyla ile " Enerji Tesisine " iletilimesi sonrası gaz kurutucuda soğutularak nemi alındıktan sonra siklon seperatör ile gazdaki suyun ayrıştırılmasını müteakip blower " lar aracılığı ile

This article looks at the stakes of the current talks between Britain and the EU. It frames these talks as a way for Britain to renegotiate her Treaty of Adhesion to the EU in respect of some carefully selected areas where this country wishes to gain more autonomy in respect of the common rules while simultaneously enhancing her power to veto future developments in areas which could jeopardize some cherished interests (the financial power of the City, her autonomous management of her borders and migratory and asylum policy, her treatment of workers from other Member States). At the same time, unspoken, the UK implicitly recognizes that the rest of the EU architecture is good as it is allowing her to play the controlling game in which this country has engaged since it became a full member in 1973. In this negotiating game, it is proposed that the EU takes a look not only at the domains where the UK wishes to focus the talks (tailored to her needs) and undertakes a considered review of the areas of EU integration which have remained undeveloped or ineffectual as a result of the spoiling tactics practiced by Britain. In this respect, it is proposed that as the EU agrees that the EU/Britain relation is open to adjustments, the EU should request from Britain that it signs a series of compulsory “opt-out” protocols in certain key areas of EU integration thus preempting further spoiling action from what would be, after the agreement is reached, no more than an “Associate State” which will be exonerated from the common aim of a “ever closer union”.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

This engaging book offers an introduction to and overview of armor in Europe from the Middle Ages through the 17th century, focusing in particular on the 16th century when plate armor reached its peak of stylistic beauty and functional perfection. Created by highly skilled armorers, often in cooperation with noted artists and commissioned by wealthy patrons, armor was worn for centuries on the battlefield, in festive tournaments, and for ceremonial events. Through informative discussions of representative works from the Metropolitan Museum’s world-renowned collection, this new addition to the popular How to Read series shows what to look for when examining armor, the pieces that make up a typical suit of armor, how the parts work, the various methods used to decorate armor, and how armor became an important part of so many museum collections today. The book features a wealth of new photography of historically important armor and other works of art from the Metropolitan Museum and select pieces from other institutions.
Available through Yale University Press: https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9781588396297/how-read-european-armor

Inspired by the arguments of critics who charge that Europe is more easily defined by what divides it than by what unites it, this book methodically reviews the political, economic, and social values that characterize Europe and that have been most actively promoted by Europeans. It notes the rise of a European identity; the widespread rejection by Europeans of the state and their support of cosmopolitan ideals; the European predeliction for communtarianism, the collective society, welfarism, sustainable devlopment, secularism, civilian power, and multilateralism; European opposition to capital punishment; Europe's progress in the search for a condition of perpetual peace; and notes how the European family is being redefined, and how Europeans prefer to work to live rather than vice versa. It concludes that these features add up to a distinctive model of Europeanism. Copyright issues preclude uploading.

Całą książkę można zakupić na stronie wydawnictwa: https://wydawnictwo.umk.pl/pl/products/5530/nomadyczna-europa-poststrukturalistyczne-granice-europejskiego-uniwersalizmu

Ebook dostępny jest tutaj: https://www.ibuk.pl/fiszka/253907/nomadyczna-europa-poststrukturalistyczne-granice-europejskiego-uniwersalizmu.html

Nell’elaborato viene presentata un’analisi della situazione relativa alla tutela delle lingue minoritarie in Europa e in Italia. Tale analisi si basa sulla nozione di “diritto linguistico”, derivata dal concetto di “diritto umano” e che riguarda la protezione delle minoranze linguistiche. A un’indagine sulla genesi e la definizione di “diritto linguistico” segue l’esame delle politiche linguistiche dell’Unione europea. L’Unione europea non può però agire direttamente sulle politiche linguistiche degli Stati membri, ma solo finanziare la promozione e la tutela delle lingue minoritarie tramite programmi di finanziamento gestiti dalla Commissione europea. L’ultima parte dell’elaborato è dedicata alle politiche linguistiche attuate in Italia nei confronti dell’italiano, delle lingue minoritarie e dei dialetti. L’Italia, infatti, è interessata dalla presenza di numerose lingue minoritarie a cui bisogna riconoscere una particolare serie di tutele per favorirne la promozione e la salvaguardia all’interno del panorama linguistico italiano.

Parole chiave:

Lingue minoritarie, diritti linguistici, politiche linguistiche, Unione europea, lingue minoritarie in Italia, dialetti in Italia, progetti europei.