Early Alans

(222 plates of illustrations will be in special file. The pages' numeration is special for each big chapter. For real book numeration move the cursor to the right border of each pages / 222 таблицы иллюстраций будут в специальном файле. Нумерация по техническим причинам – отдельная для каждого большого раздела. Подлинную нумерацию стрнице в книге можно выяснить, подведя курсор к правой границе каждой страницы).
ABSTRACT:
In this book, you will find a complex research of the clothes of Iranian-speaking peoples beginning from their appearance in the world politics and in the written sources of the 7th–6th cc. BC and up to the Islamization of Iran and Transoxiana in the 7th–8th cc. AD. The accessories of the costume (except belts), the military costume, the rulers’ crowns and the costume materials themselves are not the subject matter of the text; but the hairstyle and sometimes tattoos are being under consideration. The first three chapters are devoted to analysis of the main periods of pre-Islamic history of the Iranian world (the time bounds being different for different regions): [1] the Achaemenid-Scythian time (the 7th–6th cc. BC — 4th–3rd cc. BC, for Transoxiana—up to the mid. of the 2nd cc. BC); [2] the Parthian-Sarmatian time (the 4th/3rd cc. BC — the 3rd/4th cc. AD); [3] the Sassanid and Early Medieval time (the 3/4th — the 7/8th cc. AD). The sections of these chapters deal with materials on the 13 peoples: (1) the Persians of the Achaemenian time; (2) the Early Scythians; (3) the Scythians of the “classic” period (the 5th–4th cc. BC); (4) the “Pazyrykians” of the Altai; (5) the Chorasmians (for all the 3 periods); (6) the Parnes—Parthians of Iran; (7) the Sarmatians and Early Alans; (8) the Yuech-chihs / Kushans of Bactria; (9) the Sogdians (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (10) the Indo-Scythians of Gandhara; 11) the Persians of the Sassanid time; (12) the Khotano-Sakas of Southern Xinjiang (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (13) the Tokharistanians (with other ethnic elements). As far as each of the above-mentioned peoples is concerned the above-stated ideas are analyzed and new materials (including unpublished ones) are taken into account, the details of many depictions are defined and the data on peoples are generalized for the first time. First of all, we have studied the costume of these 13 peoples, which gives the most abundant and many-sided information on the costume as clothes in real life are a mass phenomenon and can be studied productively and correctly only in big series (in case of single depictions rare costume elements and the looks of gods of foreign origin are mistakenly taken for typical ones).
The main tasks of the book are: 1. The reconstruction of the look of the ethnic clothing complex for each of the above-mentioned peoples: the silhouette, the cut (the information about the latter is limited) and the decorative prin-ciples, the last task being the most labour-intensive. The results allow of a reliable attribution of many artifacts from museums and private collections. 2. Eliciting the aesthetical ideal of different ethnic groups reflected in the costume; the analysis of the depictions of supposed representatives of a certain people in the art of other countries for defining the degree of the authenticity in the costume depiction and its representativeness for this ethnic group. 3. The comparative analysis of the costume of each separately taken synchronous people in each of the three main historical epochs; the analysis of the costume of each ethnic group in different periods for defining the character of the costume evolution and heredity. 4. The retrospective eliciting of the look of the original costume of the most ancient Iranians and the “costume” traces of the Iranian penetration to the west of Iran. 5. Eliciting the type of the costume contacts of ancient Iranian-speaking peoples and the difference in their importance. 6. The analysis of the summarized data on the least studied significant functions of the costume aiming at eliciting the specificity of the Iranian world and some of its peoples.
We suggest a complex approach including following elements: (1) dealing with all kinds of sources alongside ob-serving the most possible scope of facts on each studied people (in case of a technical impossibility, the representative statistic excerpts are studied); (2) the proper selection of the costume décor remnants from burials under analysis (only the accounts and publications of high quality are used) excluding significantly fragmented and stylized depictions and, for some regions, images of gods; (3) the analysis of the material according to the linguistic and ethnic principles—not a regional one (which is not typical for modern research on the costume history); (4) considering all the main costume attributes of the ethnic group as a single costume complex that reflects the specificity of the people; 5) the description of the costume of each ethnic group according to the common program in chapters 1–3; (6) considering ethnic complexes against the background of the synchronous neighbouring ones and both earlier and later ones up to their successors in the 19th–20th cc. AD (otherwise the rightfulness of most conclusions is difficult to guarantee); (7) the analysis of costume evolution of separate ethnic groups under the influence of different factors; (8) compiling a special summary tables on the costume of each people (each drawing in them not being an exact copy of a definite depiction, but given in the most appropriate foreshortening without unnecessary details interfering with perception).
MORE INFORMATION: 2nd Internet ed., Moscow: X-lab, 2011: http://www.narodko.ru/article/yatsenko/eurazia/ .

CONTENTS:
PREFACE 5
CHAPTER 1. The Achaemenian-Scythian time (7th/6th cc. — 4th/3rd cc. BC) 29
1.1. The Persians 29
1.2. The European Scythians 47
1.3. The Pazyryk culture of the Altai Mountains 83
1.4. The Khorasmians 102
The main conclusions 106
CHAPTER 2. The Parthian-Sarmatian time (3rd cc. BC — 3rd/4th cc. AD) 112
2.1. Parthian Iran 113
2.2. The Sarmatians, the Early Alans and the “Late Scythians” 131
2.3. The Yuech-chihs/Kushans 170
2.4. The Khorasmians 187
2.5. The Indo-Scythians 192
2.6. The Sogdians 197
2.7. The Khotano-Sakas 201
The main conclusions 207
CHAPTER 3. The Sasanian and Early Medieval (Pre-Islamic) time (3rd/4th–7th/8th cc. AD) 212
3.1. Sasanian Iran 213
3.2. The Sogdians 231
3.3. Tokharistan and the neighboring regions to the South 247
3.4. The Khorasmians 262
3.4. The Khotano-Sakas 266
The main conclusions 274
CHAPTER 4. The mechanisms of the costume contacts and
the ways of evolution of the costume of ancient Iranians.
The symbolism of costume 279
4.1. The mechanisms of the costume contacts 280
4.2. The ways of evolution of the costume of various peoples 314
4.3. The sign functions of the costume 322
The main conclusions 362
CONCLUSION 364
APPENDIX. The suggestions on the methods of fixation and description of the costume relics
in burial complexes 367
Glossary 370
BIBLIOGRAPHY 371
Abbreviations 416
List of Iluustrations (in English)          418
List of illustrations (in Russian) 423
Illustrations 435-657
Summary                    658
Contents                      663

(Colour illustrations for CD-ROM version you can see after black-white variant)
Colour combinations in the costume of peoples in the Iranian World reveal their traditional character: red, white and blue, with rarer use of yellow, black and green. It reflects ancient Iranian colour symbolism rather than the contents of dye-stuffs. The influence of the Achaemenid Empire on other Iranian peoples includes the use of multi–coloured and, partly, striped fabrics and continued into the period of the Sasanian Empire when the concept of decorating cloth with medallions. Multi-coloured fabrics are not typical for Iranian costume and the costume of many other Iranian peoples in the Parthian period, which can be explained through Greek aesthetic influence.

Рахно К.Ю. Осетинско-ногайские фольклорные параллели // Ногайцы: XXI век. История. Язык. Культура. От истоков — к грядущему. – Черкесск: Федеральная национально-культурная автономия ногайцев России «Ногай Эл», Карачаево-Черкесский государственный университет им. У.Д. Алиева, Карачаево-Черкесский институт гуманитарных исследований при правительстве КЧР, 2014. – С. 320-323.

In 2014 the series of specific (‘Post-Saka’) style petroglyphs were founded in the SE Kazakhstan, in Jetusy (Semirechie) region near Almaty. They are very interesting mix of more eastern art style of the Northern Altai and Mongolia (disappeared on its original territory) and unusual for local Sakas, some unique subjects (some scenes with men and monsters, a sex with wolves etc.) and specific tamga-signs (they were not used by local Sakas). This style was created by local Wusun or Yezhi after the mid. 2nd c. BC. In the 2nd-1st cc. BC we see the same types of tamga-signs in the Middle Syrdarya Basin (Kangju) and in the Early Sarmatian sanctuaries in the eastern coast of Caspian Sea, since the 1st c. AD – in the Eastern European Steppes (the Lower Don Basin and the Central Crimea). This fact reflected the migration of same Wusuns to Kangju and later some Sarmatians and Alans from the northern borders of Kangju to Europe.
Fig. 20, 3 placed there after a technical mistake (these signs were not Xiongnu).

ON SARMATIAN-ALANIAN SUBJECT OF WALL PAINTING IN THE ‘CRYPT OF ANTHESTERIOS’ IN PANTICAPAEUN
According to the generally accepted opinion, the wall painting in the ‘Crypt of Anthesterios’ in Panticapaeum (the 3rd quarter of the 1st c. AD; published by M.I. Rostovtzeff in 1913) represents several scenes from the life of aristocracy of Bosporan capital. In reality, the core of this composition (fig. 1,1) is the picture of goddess sitting on a throne, World Tree to the left from her, approaching horseman – to the right. Similar representations dating to the 4th c. BC are known among Sakas and Massagetes of the Central Asia (the rug from Pazyryk, the seal of the 1th-2nd cc. AD from the South Turkmenistan), and since the late 2nd c. BC we find them in Kuban River region (Merdzhany).
The compositions from the Crypt could be compared with the mythological scenes of Indo-Iranians of the Eastern Europe: the Scythian diadem from Sakhnovka (the 4th c. BC) and the reliefs in the crypt of medieval Alans on Krivaya Riva (the 10th-12th cc.) (fig. 1, 2). These three representations includes 9-10 figures, a lot of iconographic details are very similar. That type of composition had been elaborated by Greek craftsmen in the 4th c. BC and was preserved for a millennium and half.
The Sarmato-Alanian compositions, in contrast to the Scythian ones, were connected with the funeral ritual. Archaic elements in Ossetian ‘Nart’ epic are important for understanding of these scenes. One of the variants of epic tell about a trip of a semi-god and ‘cultural hero’ Soslan to the Upper World (to Celestial Plane) where the souls of the dead live. He travels in a company of a younger friend. Soslan meets a goddess sitting on a golden throne which gives him magic food and drinks from the small golden tripod table (fyng). Some children (souls of the dead?) wait upon them. There are also two men sitting in ‘yurt’ nomadic mobile house (probably, two brothers in Ossetian tradition – the Son of Sun and the Son of Moon) who meet the dead in another world. On another wall two horses near the World Tree were depicted.
Among the Scythians, similar scenes depict the ‘sacred marriage’ of Fite goddess Tabiti and the ‘cultural hero’ Kolaxais (Raevsky D., 1977), and among the Sarmato-Alans – the marriage of nameless goddess (Tipati after T.A. Guriev reconstruction) and Soslan. This subject was depicted in Paticapaeum after the beginning of Sarmatian nobles’ sedentarization in the capital of Bosporus Kingdom and some marriages with local Greek elite (Lucian. Tox. 51).

Objectively bright and abandunt Sarmatian material presents a great interest for nomadic studies. The remote descendants of nomads of the Roman time – the Ossetians have such most valuable documented relics as a rather archaic Nart heroic epos and ethnographical traditions in many respects being traced back to very early periods.
Written evidence on the theme if compared with analogous data on the Scythians one more time demonstrates tendentiousness and non-objectiveness of Greeko-Roman authors. As the Scythians being often idealized were presented as wise people living simple life, invincible due to just customs and not capable of adopting the norms of Hellenic civilization not a single trace of such delight can be found as far as the Sarmatians and the Early Alans are concerned.
The Sarmatians, actually, in contrast to the Scythians, were, obviously aimed at contacts with more eastern civilizations (China, Parthian Iran, Kushania and others), they were less influenced by the Greeko-Roman civilization but on the contrary could influence Greek colonists, themselves especially beginning from II c. AD (so-called sarmatization). As the tendentiousness of Greko-Roman writes can easily be explained, the reasons of many well-known being ignored by modern scholars is more difficult to understand. In fact, we also were partially captivated by antique stereotypes and evaluations of the Sarmatians and the Scythians. Probably, researchers are also disoriented by a number of principal differences of the social structure, the system of values, the notions of burial rites of Sarmatian nobles from the Scythian ones (traditionally perceived as standard ones, brightest and studied much earlier). The original history of research of social structure and culture of the Sarmatians, its peculiar “negative dependence” on “stadard” conclusions, made about the Scythians, have more than once been the subject of my special attention.
The more detailed review of records (first of all Greeko-Roman and Armenian ones) on the contrary, showed that the amount of evidence on social structure of the Sarmatians in its volume and quality is not less but in many aspects surpasses the analogous data on the Scythians (most of the evidence being never refered to in such a context). Actually in many respects written sources of evidence on the Sarmatians are unique for early nomads on the whole. 
I offered the criteria of distinguishing partially robbed graves of kings family´s (‘ksais’) representatives (group 1) and high rank of aristocrats-‘ardar’ (group 2) in I- mid. II cc.
The position of the woman in Sarmatian society was higher than in Scythian (which is proved through the absence of information about harems for the elite and repeated stating about financial independence and freedom of other kind of married queens.
On the whole, the opinion about substantial social backwardness of all Sarmato-Alanian tribes if compared to European Scythians of V-IV cc. BC for example – is not confirmed. Nowadays it is clear, that approximately every 100-150 years there came new groups of eastern migrants, bringing substantial changes into the local social processes.

In general for the Great Steppe the clusters of necropolis of a certain period (where several women with weapons were buried) were founded in the Lower Dnepr (the 4th c. BCE) and in the Lower Don (the late 1st c. BCE – the mid. 3rd c. CE). There were the most important economic zones of Scythia (fig. 1) and Sarmatia (fig. 5), with the best pastures, with a large population and the presence of cities. In the 4th c. BCE the number of women with a weapon increased in connection with the disintegration of Scythia, for Sarmatians of the beg.–mid. of the1st c. and the second half of the 2nd c. CE – after the waves of migrations from the East. In the Central Asia the women-warriors are almost not identified. In those tribal groups of nomads who often clashed for the most attractive regions all women from the age of marriage (12 years) could receive the military training during collective hunting and small raids. But they need the mobilization of women occurred rarely and not all of them participated in wars. The corpses of most of the women who died in the war remained on the battlefield and did not get to the clan cemetery. The women-warriors in the graves are usually the age of 25-30 years, after long years of marriage. In the more early age (in period the main military activity) the weapons are usually absent with them. The placement of the weapons was, probably, due to two factors: it was associated with special personal military merits in previous years and with the status of the family (or husband) at the time of woman death. The set of female weapons in each community was different from the male. The weapons more prestigious than the usual arrows sometimes dependent on age group or from the specific traditions of her clan (which used a specific type of graves). The relatives were not keen to place in the grave of the woman a full range of her weaponry (probably, they sometimes put with the woman their weapon similar to that which she used). For the socially significant woman to denote her status was sufficient to have the weapons of more rare type (1-4 spears and scaly armor for Scythians; the axe, long sword or three different blades for Sarmatians). For the Sarmatian women who got married in the settlements of settled cultures in the Mouth of the Don, their weapons remained an important factor of self-identification; it was recognized also by their new relatives. Some of these women were integrated into the local elite (in Tanais).

ILLUSTRATIONS:
Figure 1. Scythian necropolises of the of late 5th – 4th cc. BCE with three or more women-warriors.
Figure 2 Women-warriors in Mamai-Gora biggest Scythian barrow necropolis’ context.
Figure 3. Women-warriors in Skel’ki Scythian ground cemetery: I – plan; II - the most important women-warriors graves (based on: Papandopulo 2011, pp. 6-7).
Figure 4. Women-warriors in Ryadovye Mogily (Zolotaya Balka) Scythian barrow necropolis context (based on: Polin 2014, color figs. 1 and 2).
Figure 5. Sarmatian necropolises of the of 2nd-1st cc. BCE – the early 3rd cc. CE with the series of women-warriors (the ethno-political map presents the late 1st c. CE).
Figure 6. Women-warriors in the late 1st c BCE – 1st c. CE Novyi Middle Sarmatian biggest barrow necropolis (based on Yatsenko 2016a, fig. 2).
Fig. 7. Women-warriors in the Late Sarmatian (the late 2nd – early 3rd cc. CE) Vysochino I-II-V barrow necropolis context (based on Yatsenko 2016a, fig. 1).
Fig. 8. The woman-warrior in the Late Sarmatian Valovyi I barrow necropolis context (based on Bezuglov, Glebov, Parusimov 2009, figs. 2, 16 and 21) 
Fig. 9. The woman-warrior in the Middle Sarmatian part of Peregruznoe I barrow necropolis context of the 1st c. CE (based on Yatsenko 2016a, fig. 1).
Fig. 10. Women-warrior in the Late Sarmatian (the late 2nd – early 3rd cc. CE) Novye Bedrazhy ground necropolis (based on Kurchatov, Simonenko, Chirkov, 1995).
Fig. 11. The female graves of the Middle and Late Sarmatian Cultures with axes: 1 – Kobykovo , barrow 10 (after T.A. Prokhorova); 2 – Lebedevka, barrow 2 (after M.G. Moshkova); 3 – Chuguno-Krepinka, barrow 2 (after A.V. Simonenko); 4 – Ust’-Kamenka, barrow 22 (after V.I. Kostenko).
Fig. 12. Women-warriors in the 2nd-1st cc. BCE Tanais ground town Greek necropolis context, excavation trench of 2001-2002 yy. (based on I.I. Tolochko plan).
Figure 13. Woman-warrior in the Late Sarmatian part of Kobyakovo hillfort’ Maeotean groud necropolis in Don Mouth’ context (based on Larenok 2016, pl. 4).
Figure 14. Woman-warrior in the mid. 1st c. CE Yezhi aristocratic necropolis of local prince and his harem’ context, Afghanistan (based on Yatsenko 2001).

The article is dedicated to the search for archaeological evidence for the Bastarnae tribe mentioned in a funerary inscription for the legate of Moesia, Titus Plautius Silvanus Aelianus (ruled in 56–66). The analysis of archaeological and written sources suggests that the Bastarnae with whom Plautius Silvanus came into contact were the same Bastarnae whom Strabo placed deeper into the continent between the Borysthenes and the Tanais between 2nd and 1st centuries BC. By the middle of the 1st century AD, this tribe was still in existence. Some of the Bastarnae (represented by the post-Zarubinets artefacts like Rakhna on the Southern Bug river and the left bank of the Middle Dniester) lived within the Alan-Sarmatian kingdom of King Farzoios within the sphere of interests of the Roman Empire. King Farzoios could be one of the rulers unknown to the Roman people whom Plautius Silvanus met during his campaign. In view of the proposed localisation of the Bastarnae, the disputed issue of whether there was a Roman land force during the Chersonesos campaign can be answered positively.

You can see only the beginning and the end of this paper.
The whole text with colour illustrarions, please, see on Journal site:
https://www.e-anthropology.com/Katalog/Arheologia/STM_DWL_1H60_w9USnGk7lBBX.aspx  .
ABSTRACT:
The male warriors elite graves and tamga-signs with the series of Sarmatian cultures elements and especially tamga-signs in the Bosporan cities and fortresses of the 1st-4th cc. CE were examined. In the case of double burials the Barbarian elements observed in male ones but their  wives / daughters look like ordinary Greek women. The analysis of tamgas and applications of clothing in famous graves of 1837 and 1841 yy. in Kertch and the origin of king Inenthimeus (234-239) sign are especially important. In some cases, they preserved the traditions of the  earlier Middle Sarmatian Culture, extinct for 150-250 years before the studied burials. Some Sarmatian clans in times of crisises (the early 1st, mid. 2nd and 3rd cc. CE) found refuge behind the walls of Bosporan cities. The origin of some of Sarmatian families, that lived in the Bosporus, connected with the Central Asian states – Xiongnu, Khwarezm and Kushan Empire.
KEY WORDS:
Bosporus Kingdom, 1st-4th cc. CE, Sarmatian men-warriors in cities, tamga-signs, slow assimilation

The main factors determinated the women status in nomadic society were discussed. The interest of archaeologists on this problem on Sarmatian materials had some unusual turns in the 20th c. It was also mythologized. The main attention attracted the women-warriors, the women-priests and women-rulers. The “scientific myth” on Sarmatian “matriarchy” was very popular after Boris Grakov works of 1930-1940-e. At the same time the real facts on women status discovered in nomadic barrows (kurgans, tumuli) were not analyzed for a long time.  The real written sources, epigraphy and graves’ materials testify on the hard patriarchy. The women-warrior used rare than for more early Scythians. Practically the all arguments for big percent of women-priests in Sarmatian society are non-argumented, the criteria of her graves’ identification are non-easy. Such version was not supported by the real facts on the real late “ethnological” women-priests of Indo-Iranians (Kalasha, Shina, Kafirs etc.). The woman became be ruler only after the sudden death and illness of her husband. There are some written evidences on the bright sex appeal of Alanian girls and women for the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages.

In the middle of the III-IV centuries AD in such an important for the Sarmatian world, the region Volga-Don interfluves formed a different ethno-political situation. On the Lower Don, there is a new group of nomads originating from the territory of the Central Caucasus. In the central areas of the southern part of Volga-Don interfluves and on the right Bank of the Volga river are still inhabited by tribes of the Late Sarmatian culture. These groups have different origins, cultural traditions, features of the burial rite and was probably two politically independent associations.

Metal rings with sculpture images of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic types are known from the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries amongst findings in Sarmatian burials of “Golden Cemetery” burial ground in the region of the Kuban river. These days they present a distinctive feature of the material culture of the Zubovsky-Vozdvizhenskaya group sites. Some analogous artifacts were found in mounds of the Volga river and Don river regions. There is no single definition for the functional use of such rings. The main reason for that is the fact that they had been found mostly in graves plundered in ancient times. The researchers assume them to be finials for some wooden structure, supports for vessels or elements of horsey harness. The hypothesis concerning harness seems to be better justified. In his first reports about findings of the rings with sculptured images N.I. Veselovskiy mentioned some fragments of leather remaining around the rings. Since in many cases those findings form pairs, it seems reasonable to assume them to be some symmetrical distributors of the belts for the horsey head harness.

Appendix 5 in the publication of the Necropolis:
Gushchina, Irina I., Zhuravlev, Denis V. Necropolis of the Roman Time Belbek IV in the South-East Crimea (Nekropol' rimskogo vremeni Bel'bek IV v Iugo-Zapadnom Krymu). Vol. 1. Moscow: State Historical Museum, 2016, 272 pp. 

Appendix 5 summary:
The costume details of mainly dead women in the Late Scythian (with many namadic Sarmatian elements) Belbek IV necropolis in the SW Crimea (the late 1st-early 3rd cc. CE) was analyzed (Fig. 260, 1). They are, first of all, 8 variants of fibulae usage in the costume (Ns. 1-8) (for a half of dead; variants 2, 3, 8 used rare also for men) and the female dress or belt decoration by the rows of beads (Ns. 9-16). There are two groups of synchronous dead in the necropolis (oriented by the head to the north or to the south). For both groups we know 3 lines of beads acrross the chest (No 9) and the hem lenght below the ankles (No 15). For women oriented to south are typical the several beads' rows in the hem (Ns. 14-15), the rare short hemline (No 16) and usually one bracelet made of beads at the wrist. The women oriented to the north used the beads for sleeves (Ns. 10-11), the belts decorated by beads (No 12), their dress hems were often to the ankles (No 13 - the most popular variant in Sarmatia); they sometimes used two bead bracelets (or one metallic and one bead) and they often were highly at the elbow or higher.

Up to the early 1990-e the most of specialists on nomadic Sarmatians believed in the ‘bright relics of matriarchy’ for them: in the total women military activity, their very active role in the family and in some important rituals. The founder of this version was the main specialist on Sarmatians, the professor of Moscow Univeristy Boris N. Grakov (the famous article on ‘driven women Sauromates’ in ‘Vesnik drevnei istorii’, 1947, No 3). The main attention of Greek-Roman authors pay to Sauromatians as the “descendants of Amazons” (Her. Hist. 4.110-117). The real information on this tribe union was mixed with the myths on Amazons (Pseudo Hippocr. 24; Isigonus of Nicea, 29 etc.). But B.N. Grakov, the qualified specialist on the ancient Greek texts, believed in of the Greek authors’ information reliability. One of Marxism founders, F. Engels wrote on the gradual fading of matriarchy’ elements in the ‘primitive’ societies. That’s why B.N. Grakov tried to demonstrate this idea on the materials of the Sarmatian cultures (Early, Middle and Late, with their 5 main stages) from the 5th c. BC up to the 4th c. AD. According to N.Ya. Marr outochthonist theory, the official for Stalin’ Soviet Union, the role of migrations and borrowings in the ethnic and cultural process declared as in significant. Now it is easy that three Sarmatian cultures have different ethnic base and different anthropology and different models of society, family types etc.     
Really we know a series of Sarmatian women-warriors graves in all three cultures since, 12-16 up to 50 years old, sometimes with 1-2 small children, first of all in the Lower Don Basin. The most interesting is Novyi necropolis of Middle Sarmatian Culture in this region (the late 1st c. BC – the early 2nd c. AD) with its 15 graves of ‘Amazons’. In some barrows of the 1st-3rd cc. AD the noble women have only one element of weapons (the axe, 3 symbolic arrows etc.). The specific localization of women-warriors graves in some necropolises is also discussed.
The women warriors had the different status in various necropolises after their native family influence, their personal merits, after the circumstances of their death and after political and military problems of their communities.

See in English:
YATSENKO S.A.  Archaeological Complex with Extremely Early Banners Found in the Territory of the Former USSR (End of the I and Beginning of II Centuries AD). – In: Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia. 2001. Vol. 7, No. 1 (Leiden, Boston, Köln), pp. 45-54
(there is one mistake in the title: “…not Millenium AD”, but Centuries!).
SEE IN INTERNET (30 $): http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/157005701753359813 .
(with additngs/с дополнениями) - 2015
SUMMARY:
In 1986 Evgenii Baspalyi founded in Dachi barrow necropolis the looting king’s barrow 1 of the Early Alans near Azov town (the Mouth of Don River, Rostov Region of European Russia) (fig. 1). All grave of the late 1st-early 2nd cc. AD was destroyed by robbers. Only sthe hiding-place near the grave (0,6 x 0,6 m) was preserved with more than 16 000 golden artifacts, mostly the small applications (fig. 2). There were 4 layers of the golden applications. The most of them (11 720 rhomb-shaped applications: fig. 3, 15) decorated the rectangulat item (0,9 x 0,6 m, layers 2-3), probably - the ritual carpet. The most interesting finds in the hiding-place were two banners (figs. 4; 6). The upper banner (0,6 x 0,35 m: fig. 6,a) was decorated more then 350 applications of 4 types (fig. 5.1-3, 5). The lower banner (0,58 x 0,4 m: fig. 6, б/b) was decorated by 674 applications of 2 types (fig. 5.6-7).
Both banners have closed analogies in the culture of the Early Alans’ descandants – the Medeival Alans and Ossetians of the Northern Caucasus. The upper banner was wedding (‘chyndzy tyrysa’) according to the popular association: death=wedding. It was red or white and had the several golden ‘pendants’ (a male costume assoceries), had the rounded ends and half moons ornament up to the early 20th c. (fig. 7,c). The lower banner was funeral (‘sau tyrysa’), it was recently black (fig. 7,a). Both banners had also some analogies to the Xiongnu’ banners of that time (Noyon Uul / Noin Ula in the NE Mongolia). Third type of Alano-Ossetian banners – the battle flag of military leader we know after some medieval depictios (fig. 7, d) and ‘Nart’ epic poems. 
ILLUSTRATIONS:
Fig. 1. A map of Sarmatia in the 2nd half of the 1st c. AD with the points of analyzed barrows: I – points where the «kings» barrows were discovered; II – local chiefs’ barrows; III – ancient cities; IV – capitals (after Sergey A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 2. The plan of hiding-place in the barrow 1 in Dachi (after Evgenii I. Bespalyi).  Беспалому)
Fig. 3. The types of gold applications (after Tamerlan A. Gabuev, 2005, 21).
Fig. 4. The silhouettes of artifacts made of organic meterials from the hiding-place: 1 – a small carpet (applications layers 2 and 3); 2 – the upper banner (applicatios layer 1); 3 - – the lower banner (applicatios layer 4).
Fig. 5. The types of golden plaques from the upper banner (1-5) and the lower banner (6-7).
Fig. 6. Banners recinstruction: а – the upper banner; b(б) – the lower banner.
Fig. 7. Banners analogies on medieval Alans and Ossetians meterials: а – the funeral benner, the 11th c. AD (the relief of the stone tomb on Krivaia River, after Vladimir A. Kuznetsov and Nikolai A. Okhonko); b – the types of funeral banners of Ossetians (after Vilen S. Uarziati); c – the wedding banner of Ossetians (after Vilen S. Uarziati); d – the battle flag (the relief of the stone tomb on Krivaia River, after Vladimir A. Kuznetsov and Nikolai A. Okhonko).

The planigraphy’ analysis of big Ust’-Al’ma necropolis for the periods 1st – mid. 2nd cc. and the mid. 2nd -  mid. 3rd cc. (ca. 1100 individual and collective graves excavated from 1964 to 2015) in the western coast of Crimea devoted to the distribution of tamga-signs, the golden costume applications and the offensive weapons in its various parts and for two periods. Tamgas were absent in the elite crypts and presented only in 4,1% of graves (there were usually the Sarmatian wives from neigbouring communities) on the specific “wedding mirrors” and on the Roman clay dishes. The dishes with two tamgas of the relative clans used the purification rituals are of particular interest. In the 1st - mid. 2nd cc. complexes used the golden costume applications of 24 types; almost all of them have analogues in the more eastern Sarmatian tribes. The weapons are usually represented by one symbolic object (for early period it was often the sword, for late period - the spear or axe). According to various data, three accumulations of graves were identified (in the north, SW and east). They reflect the triple division of the community in Iranian tradition and identify the graves of the important members of such groups.
    KEY WORDS: necropolis planigraphy, Late Scythians of Crimea, 1st - mid. 3rd cc. CE, Ust’-Al’ma, tamga-signs, golden costume applications and weapons, three main accumulations of graves.
    LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
Fig. 1. Ust’-Al’ma Hillfort (Al’ma-Tamak) in the north and Ust’-Al’ma Necropolis in the south (based on T.N. Smekalova, 2017).
Fig. 2. General Plan of Ust’-Al’ma Necropolis (after A.E. Puzdrovsky and A.A. Trufanov, vols. 1-3), with the series of elite, not robbed graves: a – elite crypts – catacombs; b – “Crypt of Priestesses”.
Fig. 3. Plans of the 2000-2014 field compaings in Ust’-Al’ma necropolis (after A.E. Puzdrovsky and A.A. Trufanov, vols. 1-3).
Fig. 4. Destribution of tamga-signs of the 1st — mid. 3rd cc. CE (after the excavations before 2015): c - crypt; я – pit; п – alcove grave; a – mirrors-pendants; b - pottery; c – zones of tamgas concentration; d – other types of artifacts; e – tamgas of the mid. 2nd – mid. 3rd cc.
Fig. 5. Destribution of the main types of golden costume applications of the 1st — mid. 2nd cc. CE
(after the excavations before 2015): c - crypt; я – pit; a – zones of concentration. 
Fig. 6. Destribution of the main types of weapons and some their details in the 1st — mid. 3rd cc. CE
(after the excavations before 2015): c - crypt; я – pit; п – alcove grave; a – swords and daggers; b – spears; z  - fragments of hauberk; K - bows and quivers; b – 2 arrows-amulets; c - set of arrows; d – graves of the mid. 2nd – mid. 3rd cc.; e - axe; f – zones of concentration.

In the middle of the 3rd c. AD there were many evidences of real catastrophe in the region both for main nomadic groups and for sedentary cultures centers from South Ural Steppes up to the Danube Estuary. The last stable rules before this were two monarchs with Sarmatian-Alanian blood, Maximinus emperor (235-238) and Inenphimeos of Bosporus (234-239). For the 242-273 AD we have some written evidences on the powerful  “Alans” group to the west from Dnepr River. That time the Scythia Minor in the Central Crimea was crushed and the new wave of Early Alanian Culture migrants from the Central Caucasus. Since that time Bosporus named sometimes “the state of Bosporans and Sauromates” (Const. Porth. De Adm. LIII, 244-254). The powerful Goths could not settled really in Crimea and Azov Sea Region. We see another, small groups of Germans. During the destroying Tanais town ca. 253 AD we see there some warriors with shields of German types (they were the defenders or attackers?). Just after this destroying the big group of Central Caucasian nomads of “the Early Alanian Culture” occupied the Lower Don Region – the most important territory of the Late Sarmatian Culture of its early stage. After such events there were not any real connections between the local nomads and the more western Germans of Gothia (Chernyakhov Culture) about a century. The main threat for Bosporus before this events were its eastern neighbours, the most remote from Goths (the quick new fortification in Tanais in 236-239 AD and the destroying of Gorgippia in 239 AD). After these events we see the active “Alanian” group infiltration to Gorgippia. There are no also any vestiges of Gothic destroying in Bosporus Kingdom and also on their penetration to Azov Sea region before 251 AD. The destroying of some parts of Panticapaeum and Myrmekion was a result of civil wars of some “co-rulers” in Bosporus. It is uneasy who were Borans, the organizers of the early navy raids from Bosporus to Roman Black Sea Regions, may be, they were the Iranian group. After 276 AD the new Bosporan aristocracy had the tamga-signs analogous to the early Sarmatian samples from the Western Ukraine and Crimea (Yatsenko, 1994). So, we have not any arguments in archaeology, in written and epigraphic sources on ‘decisive’ German activity connected with 236-276 AD region destroying. The old version of Irina T. Kruglikova (1966) on the destroying by one “Alanian” group is the most reasonable now. The rise of the Central Caucasian “Alania” (named by Kartir Sasanid inscription and in Armenian 5th c. manuscript from St. Catherine Monastery for the mid. 3rd – early 4th cc. AD) was, probably, connected in the east with the Kangju Empire disintegration (Wei shu. 3. 6a) and with the early Daghestan Maskuts weakening after Trdat II of Armenia raid in 216 AD (Moses Khorenatsi. 2. 65-67). The raids of Caucasian Alans against Bosporus Kingdom and against the “Late Scythians” of Crimea began just after their attacks to Georgia and Iran. After the late 3rd c. AD we know 5 independent nomadic “Alanian” groups:  Basils (Barsils) of the Lower Volga, Maskuts (Massagetae) of the Northern Daghestan, Alans-Tanaites of the Lower Don River, Alans of Crimea (“Tauro-Scythians”: Duo Aurel. 7) and the Central Caucasian “Alania” near Terek River (the “European Alans” of the Western Ukraine were integrated into mainly Gothic Chernyakhov Culture).                 
Before this publication the version of Gothic domination in the mid 3rd c. AD Azov Sea Region and in the Northern Caucasus was prevailed but without any serious archaeological arguments. My version was supported later by the main specialist on the Late Sarmatian period Vladimir Yu. Malashev and by the most of colleagues. There are many editorial mistakes in the text for uneasy reasons...         
Fig. 1. North Black Sea Cost Region on the boundary of the 3rd-4th cc. AD:
1 – the border of Mascuts/Massagetae ‘state’ during Sanesan rule in 335-336 AD after Phastos Busand “History of Armenia”. 3. 6-7: 2 – the eastern border of Chernyakhov Culture; 3 – the borders of Roman Empire and Bosporus Kingdom; 4 – a capitals of states; 5 – the main Iranian-speaking political units; 6- the military raids of “Alans”; 7 – Greek-Roman cities;  8 – Barbarian cities; 9 –the graves of “Alanian” aristocracy: 1- Kishpek, 2 – Alkhan-Kala, 3 – Ekazhevo 2, 4 – Andreiaul II, 5 – Tanais, 1972, 6 - Aerodrom, 7- Balabinskii I barrow 8, 8 – Yasyrev III, 9 – Tsentral’nyi IV, 10 – Novyi barrow 51, 11 – Voronezhskaya 1948, 12 – Kotova sloboda, 13 - Shcherbakovka, 14 - Bogodar, 15 – Novye Sanjary, 16 - Druzhnoe, 17 – Ozernoe III, 18 - Kazakliya, 19 - Mikhailovka, 20 – Panticapaeum, graves of 1837 and 1841 yy., 21 – Nosaki barrow 12, 22 - Kubei, 23 - Bratskoe; 10 – toponyms of the early stages of the Alanian-Ossetian “Nart” epic, after Yu. Dzitsoity, 1992.

Sergey A. YATSENKO

GOLDEN PLATE FROM WUSUN GRAVE IN GROTTO OF KARGALY GORGE  - History and Archaology of Semirechie [Jetysu] (Istoriia i arckheologiia Semirechia), Vol. 5 (ed. by A.A. Goryachev), Almaty, 2017, pp. 143-155 (in Russian)

The golden plate from nomadic Wusun aristocratic grotto grave of the 1st c. BCE from the SE Kazakhstan, weel-known as “Kargaly diadem” (fig. 3: 1; 4: 2), was not the artifact of such type because it was initially arched. It was used for different purposes because it had two different fastening systems (holes for a thread and rivets) (fig. 4: 3). The main damage of the plate was the hands’ rift in the center and two cross punches (fig. 4: 4). The plate was the product of Wusun jeweler who mainly copied the Chinese models (fig. 5). The information on Wusun religion is very meager and it is almost no chance to reconstruct the meaning of its composition. The plate was probably the symbolic detail, the part of applications complex of a ritual vehicle similar to samples found in graves 1 and 3 of Majiayuan necropolis in Gansu Province, the 4th-3rd cc. BCE, here met the similar zoomorphic and floral motifs (fig. 6). In plate’ publications were some mistakes: instead the original the mirror reflection or unknown reconstruction (!) was placed (fig. 3: 2-3).

ILLUSTRATIONS:
(Figs. 2 d; 3, 1 – photo archive of Oleg Belyalov;  Fig. 1, 1 – the Grotto photo from Vladimir Saraev archive).
Fig. 1. Grotto with the grave of noble Wusun woman in Kargaly Gorge, 50 km west from Almaty, 2300 m high, ca. the 1st c. BCE: 1 – grotto photo of Vladimir Saraev: 2 – some types of 370 golden artifacts (National Museum of Kazakhstan).   
Fig. 2. Costume golden accessories from the graves of nomadic Wusun aristocracy in Ili River Basin on Kazakhstan / China border: 1 – applications, Talgar necropolis near Almaty; 2 – applications, Bailequir, NW Xinjiang; 3 - the seal-rings: a – Nilka, b – Xiatai (NW Xinjiang), c - Betkainar near Almaty, d – Kargaly.
Fig. 3.  The golden polychromic plate (“diadem” from Kargaly Grotto): 1- photo from Oleg Belyalov personal archive, ca. 2000 y.; 2 – the mirror image of “Kargaly plate” typical for many modern publications; 3 – unknown reconstruction still often represented as the “real Kargaly plate” in many publications (details); Mikhail Chernov version of the plate’ center reconstruction (2015).
Fig. 4.  The golden polychromic openwork plate from Kargaly Gorge: 1 – Mikhail Chernow drowing (2015); 2 – its correction by Sergey Yatsenko (2017): 3 – two fastenings systems’ remains; 4 – the main types of plate’ damages to the surface.
Fig. 5. Some analogies in the Han Dynasty Chinese art: 1 – Taosist personages with the “dragon” (loong / 龍); 2 – jade images of “dragons” with the feline tails  (www.pinterest.com/sergey1305/ancient-jewellry/ ).
Fig. 6. Ritual vehicles from graves 1 and 3 in Majiayuan cemetery (Gansu Province): 1 – the vehicle from grave 3; 2 – the golden applications of both behicles (Excavations on the Majiayuan, 2008).

ЯЦЕНКО С,А,
ЗОЛОТАЯ ПЛАСТИНА ИЗ УСУНЬСКОГО ПОГРЕБЕНИЯ
В ГРОТЕ УЩЕЛЬЯ КАРГАЛЫ
       
Золотая ажурная пластина из скального погребения кочевых усуней ок. I в. до н.э. в ущелье Каргалы (ЮВ Казахстан), известная как «каргалинская диадема» (рис. 3: 1; 4: 2), ею не была, так как она изначально не была изогнутой. Она использовалась в разных целях, т.к. на ней выявлены две разных системы крепления (отверстия для ниток и заклепки) (рис. 4: 3). Основными повреждениями пластины были ручной разлом в центре и два поперечных удара (рис. 4: 4). Это работа усуньского ювелира, во многом копировавшего китайские образцы (рис. 5). Информация о религии усуней сохранилась весьма скудно, и шансов надежно реконструировать смысл композиции почти нет. Пластина могла быть символически помещенной аппликацией из комплекса украшений ритуальной повозки, подобной найденным в могилах 1 и 3 некрополя Мацзиюань (пров. Ганьсу) IV-III вв. до н.э., где встречены сходные зооморфные и растительные мотивы (рис. 6). В публикациях пластины неоднократно были ошибки, когда вместо подлинника помещали зеркальное отражение и даже неизвестную реконструкцию (рис. 3: 2-3).

The article attempts to explain the emergence of metallurgical centers of post-zarubinetskaya culture on the territory of the Kingdom Farzoy in the first century AD. A hypothesis is that the population of zarubinetskaya culture of the Dnieper, after it was subjugated by the nomads of the king Farzoy, was forced to pay the iron tribute. This explanation is consistent with the data of written sources of the Roman period about the relationship of nomads and settled population.

Artículo popular sobre el origen y las gestas del pueblo de los alanos, que invadió la Hispania romana, junto a vándalos y suevos, en el siglo V. La segunda parte trata de las causas y consecuencias de la derrota sufrida por los alanos ante los visigodos de Walia, de la unificación de los supervivientes con los vándalos de Gunderico, el éxodo via el Estrecho de Gibraltar, la conquista de la provincia africana, la creacion del Reino de vándalos y alanos y de su caida a manos de los bizantinos en el siglo VI.

The main models of planigraphy of the Eurasian Steppe early nomads’ special elite necropolises and elite sections of them were analyzed. Usually such necropolis / section were a string of barrows. In European Steppe the special elite cemeteries were placed near the settlements of agricultural peoples, in the Central Asia — near a small rivers and in the mountain pastures’ zone. For the completion of such elite cemeteries the magic of sacred numbers: 3, 5 (figs. 2-3, 5, 7), 7, 12 were important. The various models of elite sections in the clan barrow necropolises were studied: two parallel strings with big barrows in the eastern one (fig. 11); the big barrows location in the bottom of a hill, near a spring (fig. 12, 2); in the center of string; the string of big barrows as a centerline with small barrows around it; big barrows concentration on the northern border of cemetery (fig. 14); the big barrow create a discharged chain length up to 10 km.

Key words: elite necropolises, elite sections of necropolises, the main variants of planigraphy, early Steppe nomads of Eurasia.

There is no reason to consider the Meaotean settlements around Don Mouth, which arose mainly in the 1st c. AD, an agricultural district of Bosporan Tanais. It is more likely that the Maeoteans were forcibly relocated from Kuban River by the Sarmatian nobility. Each of their settlements had a special relationship with Sarmatian groups, including marriage. A series of graves of Sarmatian wives - warriors integrated into local communities have been identified in Kobyakovo (figs. 4, 6, 7). Maeoteans were actively engaged in crafts and trade, had two cities (Navaris and Exopolis) (fig. 2). The significant part of their products went to the neighboring nomads.The nomadic Sarmatians did not threaten Tanais (except for the rapid change of Sarmatian cultures in the middle of the 2the c. CE). Their groups were initially present in the city and occupied a fairly honorable place in it (figs. 3, 5). Judging by the tamga-signs, it was the Lower Don Sarmatian nobility that soon (from the mid. of the 3rd c. CE) became part of the elite of the capital of Bosporus (figs. 8, 9). The dominance of the Sarmatians in the Mouth of Don is eloquently evidenced by the concentration of ancestral cemeteries of their aristocracy around Tanais and large Maeotean settlements (fig. 1) and also almost complete absence of influence of Greek culture and everyday life on local Maeoteans . Probably, in Tanais the trade route from the South Ural ended which was a continuation of the "Northern Road" from the capital of China via Kangju (fig. 10). The Sarmatian-Bosporan symbiosis associated with the benefits of world trade long existed at the Mouth of Don at that time (fig. 11).

Keywords:
Sarmatians’ penetration into Maeotean settlements, Sarmatians women-warriors among Maeoteans, Tanais and Sarmatian elite, Sarmatian-Bosporan symbiosis, importance of the eastern trade, 1st-3rd cc. CE.

Illustrations:
Fig. 1. Maeotean settlements and the barrows of Sarmatian nomadic elite around Don Mouth in the 1st – mid. 3rd cc. CE (topographic base – the map of 1940 y.)
Fig. 2. The biggest Meaotean settlements of the Don right bank – Temernitskoe and Kobyakovo – the probable Navaris and Exopolis cities of Ptolemy (after S.A. Yatsenko; A.A. Miller). 
Fig. 3. Tanais and the suburbian Sarmatian elite necropolises: 1 – scheme of the necropolises of Tanais: 2 – barrow 2, 1964 y.; 3 – Tsarskii Necropolis; 4 – Valovyi I Necropolis (1-2 – base after I.I. Tolochko; 3-4 – after S.A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 4. The biggest barrows of Kobyakovo Necropolis (based on German map of 1941 y.).
Fig. 5. Some grave of women-warriors in the necropolis of Tanais in the 2nd – 1st cc. BCE: 1 – the excavation trench of 1999-2000 yy.; 2 – excavations of 1992-1996 yy. (based on I.I. Tolochko).
Fig. 6. Women-warriors in the excavation trench of 1999-2000 yy. in Kobyakovo (based on V.A. Larenok).
Fig. 7. Tamga-signs of South Kazakhstan and South Ural origin in the women-warriors’ graves of Kobyakovo: 1 – the early citadel of Turkestan City (after E.A. Smagulov, S.A. Yatsenko); 2 – mirrors-pendants of Kobyakovo (after V.M. Kosyanenko); 3 – grave 28, 2002 y. (after V.A. Larenok); 4 – synchronous graves around grave 38 (after S.A. Yatsenko); 5 – pair grave 10, 1999 y., the probable female artifacts (based on V.A. Larenok). 
Fig. 8. Distribution of the tamga-signs of nomadic aristocracy: the Central Asia – Lower Don Basin – Panticapaeum. I: 1 – the palace tile of Xiongnu (Verknie Dureny); 2 – statue in Bayte III sanctuary (Ustyurt Plateau); 3 – Kirovskii I, barrow 1, grave 2 (horse harness). II: 1 – Bayte III; 2 – cauldron from the barrow near Nizhne-Gnilovskoe hillfort; 3 – golden bracelet, Olbia; 4 – golden bracelet from “the Grave with Golden Mask”, Kertch, 1837 y. (after S.A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 9. Distribution of the tamga-signs of nomadic aristocracy: the Central Asia – Lower Don Basin – Panticapaeum. The crypt near Ajimushkai, 1841 y. I. Tamga-signs on the horse harness: 1 – stone slab from Tanais; 2 – the jaw of a boar, Tanais; 3 – horse harness from the crypt of 1841 y.; II. Tamga of the crypt owner of same artifacts and its eastern analogies: 1 – Bayte III; 2 – Kushan belt buckle, Dalverzintepa; 3 – Kobyakovo, barrow 10, horse harness; 4 – the gala spear in polychrome style; 5 – the silver detail of horse harness (after S.A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 10. The main trade roads from the Central Asia to Sarmatian territories of South Ural in the 1st – early 3rd cc.; “the Northern Road” of Hou Han Shu is grey, the way from Khorezm is black (after S.A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 11. The bust of probable Bosporan king Sauromates II. Acropolis Museum, Athens (photo S.A. Yatsenko).

In the Mouth of Don River, on its right bank there are two nomadic Sarmatian necropolises in 3-7 km NE from ancient Tanais town consisted of only elite barrow graves: Tsarskii (the 1st-early 2nd cc., Middle Sarmatian Culture) (Fig. 1, 2) and Valovyi I (the mid. 2nd – mid. 3rd cc., first stage of the Late Sarmatian Culture) (Fig. 1, 1). Both cemetaries were plowed intensively. Tsarskii was totally looted (except the special barrow for children and sanctuary); in Valovyi I the male graves were looted first of all. Such necropolises were very rare for Sarmatians of Roman time. Probably, in such points only some of nomadic communities’ members were buried. The planigraphy of both necropolises was connected with sacred numbers (5 and 12) and had the specific gender symmetry. For that time we know many facts on Sarmatian infiltration to Tanais town. But the clan ‘tamga’-signs from both necropolises were not represented in numerous mini-sanctuaries with such signs in Tanais. Sarmatian barrows of ‘king’ rank we see a far from this town.
In the left bank of Don near its mouth we see another situation. In the 1st - early 2nd cc. CE (in Middle Sarmatian time) there were 4 looted ‘king’ Sarmatian barrows at intervals of 2-3 km (Fig. 3): two barrows with probable couples in the centre (Vysochino V, barrow 1; Novoaleksandrovka, barrow 53) and two barrows (probable male – Dachi, barrow 1 and female – Vysochino VII, barrow 28) on the edges. The local Sarmatian tribe, probably, effectively control two neigbouring small fortresses of sandentary and agricultural Maeotian peoples (Krepostnoe and Podazovskoe). The well-studied and big necropolis of Krepostnoe was very poor and Sarmatian warriors, in contrast to the right bank Maeotian fortresses (Kobyakovo etc.), were absent in the cemetery. Probably, there we see the so called “distance exploitation’ of Maeotian resources by the nomads.

They were some rare pair graves of men-warriors under 30 years old in the nomadic barrows of Middle Sarmatian Culture of the Lower Don Basin. They had the similar burial rituals and artifacts. Such details emphasized the closeness of two dead. They were the coevals or the age difference was not more than 5 years. These graves always took places in the central part of some necropolises, in the centers of some barrows with several other male Middle Sarmatian graves . Both men were buried at the same time and often on the unusual specific stretchers. The weapons were standard (a short sword and arrows); a quiver with 70-120 arrows placed there (with 1-2 unusual arrows in it for the younger warrior). These graves were not plundered but some of them visited with the ceremonial purposes. The most important Novyi cemetery had 4 such graves (fig. 2) and Peregruznoe I had 1 grave (fig. 3). These pairs were differed in social status. They were, probably, the sworn brothers (comp. Lucian. Tox. 37). They were buried together after their death in the same military actions, in the community of leading sworn brother.   

Keywords: Sarmatians, Middle Sarmatian Culture, Lower Don Basin, barrow necropolises, warriors’ pair graves, sworn brothers.

ILLUSTRATIONS LIST:
Fig. 1. Necropolises of the Middle Sarmatian Culture with the barrows of probable sworn brothers (marked in black): I – Novyi; II – Peregruznoe I.
Fig. 2. Pair graves of the probable sworn brothers in Novyi necropolis: 1 – barrow 59, grave 3: 2 – barrow 70, grave 5; 3 – barrow 79, grave 5; 4 – barrow 80, grave 7.
Fig. 3. Grave of the probable sworn brothers in Pereguznoe I necropolis (barrow 37).