Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations

Marek Jan Olbrycht

Abstract

Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations, in: J. Pstrusińska/A. T. Fear (eds.), Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia, Kraków 2000, 101-140. The scope of the problems involving the history of steppe Iranian¬speaking peoples in Europe is large and continues to grow as new information becomes available. For this reason this paper is limited to the most important aspects. The very significant role that the Scythians, Sauromatians, and various so-called “Sarmatian” tribes (including the Royal Sarmatians, Iazygs, Aorsi, and Alans) played in the history of Southeastern Europe has commonly been recognized. This is, however, not the case with their role in the history of Cen¬tral and Western Europe. In the 1st millenium B.C. and in the first centuries A.D., the native populations of Southeastern and Central Europe were faced with the expansion and movement of the Central Asian peoples pressing westwards. Some indig¬enous tribes retreated, setting in motion other peoples, others mingled with the newcomers, giving rise to new hybrid cultures. The contribution of Iranian peoples to the cultures of ancient Europe is discernible in many aspects, including Germanic religion, Celtic folk-poetry, and early Slavic civilization. The in¬flux of Iranian steppe peoples in Europe was linked with tribal movements in Central Asia. This was a consistent pattern, for we have evidence of several great migrations in the 1st millenium B.C. and the 1st millenium A.D. Already Herodotus (4.13), living in the 5th century B.C., had observed such processes: “Except the Hyperboreans, all these nations (and first the Arimaspians) ever make war upon their neighbours; the Issedones were pushed from their lands by the Arimaspians, and the Scythians by the Issedones, and the Cimmerians, dwell¬ing by the southern sea, were hard pressed by the Scythians and left their country” Most Iranian tribes entering Europe took possession of the last outpost of the Eurasian steppe in Central Europe: the Hungarian plain. Here, they underwent a number of changes and were transformed, both ethnically (as they mingled with the indigenous substratum) and economically (denomadicization). The interaction of these Iranian groups with the local populations of Europe was largely ignored by our written sources. However, archaeology points to considerable cultural interchange. The movements of many steppe tribes to¬ward Europe introduced new ethnic elements of Asiatic origin into this large area. Iranian groupings of the pre-Scythian period, the Scythians, the Sauromatians, various Sarmatian tribes, the Roxolani, the Aorsi, and the Alans contributed to the development of culture not only in the Ponto-Caspian steppes, but also in other areas as they were driven into many countries at different points in time. The history of Southeastern and Central Europe in the ancient period can be properly understood only within the context of the relations between the sedentary tribes and the Eurasian steppe nomads. Such a relationship is clearly visible in the medieval history of Rus, the Hungarians, the Bulgars, as well as in that of Poland.

The Cimmerian Problem Re-Examined: the Evidence of the Classical Sources Of all the nomadic peoples who were present in the Caspian steppes and in Western Asia in the 1st millenium BC none has probably caused historians and archaeologists so much trouble than the Cimmerians. The history of the Cimmerians is still being discussed and reconstructed in different ways . The whole problem contains lots of misunderstandings mainly due to the fact that the most important source groups, i. e. literary and archaeological evidences, have been examined on the basis of some aprioric assumptions not all of which are immidiately obvious. In the following paper an attempt will be made to discuss the problem of the Cimmerian presence in Southeastern Europe and related aspects as seen in the light of classical testimonies. One of these questions, the problem of an alleged migration of the Cimmerians from the North Pontic steppes into Central and Western Europe, requires consideration. The thesis about western movements of the Cimmerians has had wide repercussions in historical, archaeological and philological studies as well . The well documented history of the Cimmerians in Western Asia is not the topic of this paper but it provides important fixing points for a reconstruction of the whole development of that people. In exploring the classical testimonies related to the Cimmerians, it is hoped that a greater insight into the complex history of the earliest known ethnic entities of Southeastern Europe may be achieved. The history of the Cimmerians in Europe can be discussed mainly from the point of view of classical sources, for the basic evidence for the study of this people are testimonies of the Greek and Roman authors . On the other hand, valuable evidence for the Cimmerians in Western Asia is provided by Oriental, mainly Assyrian, records . The written evidence can be to some extent supplemented by archaeological data from the Ponto-Caspian steppes, the Caucasus area and Western Asia . However, the presently available archaeological materials do not allow any convincing hypothesis about the character of genuine Cimmerian culture. It is due to the fact that archaeological interpretations depend on historical premises and the latter, basing on fragmentary and contradictory testimonies, still do not enable us to give definitive answers to certain important questions about Cimmerian history.

Editors: Jadwiga Pstrusinska Andrew Fear Technical editor: Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fras The editors generally respect the author’s editorial choices contained in the volume. The printing of this volume would not have been possible without the financial support of the Philological Faculty and the Institute of Oriental Philology, Jagiellonian University, Cracow. The Celto-Asiatic Seminar wishes also to express its gratitude to the Jagiello nian University for the 1996 and 1998 research grants. The cover shows the motives of the Celtic cross and the cross on a cult pilar in the Hindukush region. ISBN: 83-7188-337-4 © Institute of Oriental Philology Jagiellonian University, Cracow KSIIJGARNIA AKADEMICKA ul. Sw. Anny 6, 31-008 Krakow tel./fax (+48 12) 43 127 43, 422 10 33 ext. 1167 e-mail: ksakadem@cicero.law.uj.edu.pi http :/www. ch.uj .edu. pl/ksiegarnia.htm 1 C ontents Preface....................................................................................................... 5 Marzenna Czerniak-Drozdzowicz Celto-Indian parallels in a rt................................................................. 7 Andrew Fear Solum litera scripta manet?.................................................................. 17 Tadeusz Majda The Celts, the Scythians, and the Turks. Parallels in the visual arts and in literature........................................................ 33 Iwona Milewska Sandhi w sanskrycie i w jqzykach celtyckich....................................... 61 Marek J. Olbrycht The Cimmerian problem re-examined: the evidence o f the Classical sources....................................................................... 71 Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence of Iranian peoples in Europe and their Asiatic relations .................................................................... 101 Zygmunt Pucko A cidt o f severed heads in Cracow?..................................................... 141 Jolanta Sierakowska-Dyndo Wzor ladu spolecznego w kulturze pasztunskiej i kulturach staroceltyckich................................................................... 149 Piotr Stalmaszczyk Bibliography o f Celtic studies in Poland. Part one: culture and history............................................................... 169 Lidia Sudyka Possible traces o f the Indo-Aryan presence in the prehistoric homeland o f the Celts........................................................ 179 P reface The articles collected in this volume represent some of those presented by the participants of an interdisciplinary Celto-Asiatic Seminar established in 1995 by Jadwiga Pstrusinska (Department of Iranian Philology) at the Institute of Oriental Philology, Jagiellonian University, Krakow. The basic theme of the seminar is outlined in the paper “Why the Celto-Asiatic Seminar?”*. The fol lowing papers represent a wide spectrum of views, including some controver sial ones, not all of which support the initial hypotheses of the seminar, and which give the reader a taste of the discussion generated by the project. After the papers, there is a list of the entire programme of Seminar meetings during the four years of its existence. J. P., A. F. * [in:] Iranica Cracoviensia. Cracow Iranian Studies in memory o f Wlady- slaw Dulqba, ed. A. Krasnowolska, Krakow 1996. Marek J. Olbrycht (Cracow) Notes on the presence of Iranian peoples in Europe and their Asiatic relations The scope of the problems involving the history of steppe Iranian speaking peoples in Europe is large and continues to grow as new information becomes available. For this reason this paper is limited to the most important aspects. The very significant role that the Scythians, Sauromatians, and various so-called “Sarmatian” tribes (including the Royal Sarmatians, Iazygs, Aorsi, and Alans) played in the history of Southeastern Europe has commonly been recognized. This is, however, not the case with their role in the history of Cen tral and Western Europe. In the 1st millenium B.C. and in the first centuries A.D., the native populations of Southeastern and Central Europe were faced with the expansion and movement of the Central Asian peoples pressing westwards. Some indig enous tribes retreated, setting in motion other peoples, others mingled with the newcomers, giving rise to new hybrid cultures. The contribution of Iranian peoples to the cultures of ancient Europe is discernible in many aspects, includ ing Germanic religion, Celtic folk-poetry, and early Slavic civilization. The in flux of Iranian steppe peoples in Europe was linked with tribal movements in Central Asia. This was a consistent pattern, for we have evidence of several great migrations in the 1st millenium B.C. and the 1st millenium A.D. Already Herodotus (4.13), living in the 5th century B.C., had observed such processes: “Except the Hyperboreans, all these nations (and first the Arimaspians) ever make war upon their neighbours; the Issedones were pushed from their lands by the Arimaspians, and the Scythians by the Issedones, and the Cimmerians, dwell ing by the southern sea, were hard pressed by the Scythians and left their country”1. 1 In this paper, unless otherwise stated, translations are drawn from Loeb editions with my own improvements. 102 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia It was M. Rostovtzeff who stressed the necessity to connect the effects of the unrest in Inner Asia with the nomad incursions into Europe: “Wenn die ersten sarmatischen Verschiebungen in SiidruBland den Ereignissen aus der Zeit Alex anders entsprechen, so konnen die weiteren - das Erscheinen der Jazygen, Roxolanen, Aorsen, Siraken usw. sehr gut mit der sako-parthischen Bewegung verbunden sein. Das Erscheinen der Alanen wiirde dann dem Vordringen der Ye-tschi entsprechen. (...) Ich muB nur betonen, daB alle die Sarmatenwellen nach SudruBland aus Gegenden kommen, welche fur eine lange Zeit mit der Kulturwelt der persischen und friihhellenistischen Reiche in Zentralasien verbunden waren, und daB die letzte auch mit China in Verbindung stand” (Rostovtzeff 1931, 609). The first nomadic waves of the 1st millenium B.C. in Europe —the archaeological Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex The Cimmerians were one of the steppe peoples who had to abandon their homeland on the northern shore of the Caspian Sea in the 8th century B.C. The Cimmerians’ activities affected only the southeastern periphery of Europe as that people retreated through the Caucasus into Western Asia. For Cimmerian history, Diakonoff (1985, 93) is fully correct to emphasize that: “We possess no factual data to show that the Cimmerians at any time represented the basic mass of the population of the steppes north of the Black Sea”. However, archaeolo gists use the designation “Cimmerian” for archaeological finds of nomadic ori gin widely attested in the area from the Caucasus to the Hungarian plain and Central Europe (Makhortych/Ievlev 1992,114f.; Chochorowski 1993,262f.). It seems that a more suitable designation for the archaeological remains of that period would be the Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex, a term already used to label two chronological stages or two regional variations of the archaeo logical “Cimmerian” culture. Amongst the archaeological finds of the Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex in the North Pontic steppes a strong Eastern impact originating in Central Asia and Sibiria (elements of the Karasuk, Arzhan, and Altai type) is discernible (Murzin 1990,25ff.; Chochorowski 1993, 263). Apparently, nomadic groupings from Central Asia moved westwards and created new tribal confederations in the Ponto-Caspian steppe expanses (Chochorowski 1993, 268f.). An important part in the development of the Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk civilization was played by the Kuban culture of the North Caucasus. The appearance of North Caucasian weapons and horse Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 103 etrated by the steppe tribes (Chochorowski 1993,266; Dudarev 1991; Dudarev 1995). As a whole, the steppe groupings exerted a strong influence on the local cultures of Central Europe, including the Hallstatt civilization (Chochorowski 1993, 268ff.). There were many components which contributed to the successful ex pansion of Central Asian peoples into Eastern Europe. Of crucial significance for that period was the development of a mobile, mounted nomad pastoralism. The nomadic way of life became extremely warlike and the nomads were provided with highly effective weapons. Their tactics were based upon the use of horses. The development of the Chemogorovka-Novocherkassk culture was disturbed again in the 8th-7th centuries B.C., when new waves of Central Asian nomads entered Europe. Their advance was mainly directed towards the Caucasus. These tribes can be to some extent identified in historical sources as the Scythians. According to some archaeologists, it was the so-called second proto-Scythian wave which formed the beginnings of the Scythian culture in Europe (Murzin 1990, 275). At first, the Scythians occupied the areas between the Volga, the Caucasus, and the Sea of Azov and carried out raids into Western Asia. South of the Caucasus, they played an important part alongside Assyria, Urartu and the Medes. The new nomadic groupings must have adopted many elements of the much higher cultures flourishing in their new homeland north of the Caucasus. Moreover, it seems that Scythian pressure affected some steppe as well as forest-steppe areas of Southeastern Europe and ultimately forced a number of peoples of the North Pontic steppes to retreat into more remote areas. One of those threatened neighbours were the Agathyrsi (Chochorowski 1993,275). The Agathyrsi - the presumed survivals of the pre-Scythian period The Agathyrsi are known mainly due to Herodotus who appears to locate them in Moldavia north of the Danube and east of the Carpathians (Hdt. 4.48, 78, 100, 125. cf. Chernenko 1984, 88; Chochorowski 1993, 255ff.). Herodotus (4.104) maintains that Agathyrsian customs were similar to those of the Thracians. However, the names of the known kings of the Agathyrsi - Agathyrsus and Spargapeites - are Iranian (for details see R. Schmitt in: Com pendium Linguarum Iranicarum, Wiesbaden 1989,93 and Chochorowski 1993, 104 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia 254f. with further literature). An interesting sidelight is provided on the origins of the Agathyrsi by Herodotus in his Scythian account (Hdt. 4.8-10). This pas sage states that Heracles and a serpent-woman had three sons named Agathyrsus, Gelonus, and Scythes. Herodotus’ account reflects real historical events relat ing to the emergence of Scythian power in the North Pontic steppes (Murzin 1990, 30). Clearly Agathyrsus represents the oldest tribe of the Scythian world which was pushed westwards from the steppes and lived thereafter close to Scythia. Similarly Gelonus bears the name of a people outside the confines of Scythia proper (cf. Chochorowski 1987, 147). To sum up, the Agathyrsi are to be treated as one of the pre-Scythian populations of the North Pontic area which were supplanted by their kindred folk, the Scythians. According to the 1st cen tury Roman geographer Pomponius Mela (2.2) the Agathyrsi were located next to Lake Maiotis (the Sea of Azov) and the Sauromatians. Mela’s statement is based upon an ancient Greek source. Another writer, Ammianus Marcellinus (4th century A.D.), also locates the Agathyrsi in the vicinity of Lake Maiotis (22.8.30). Thus it is probable that the Agathyrsi had inhabited the Azov Sea region before they retreated westwards. It should also be noted that the relations between the Agathyrsi and the Scythians were hostile as reflected in several episodes of their history (Hdt 4.78; 4.119). As stated above, the Agathyrsi had to retreat westwards before the Scythian menace. Most of them settled in Moldavia and gradually mingled with the local population of Thracian stock. In archaeological terms, attributable to the Agathyrsi is the cemetery at Stoicani dated to the 8th-7th centuries B.C. (Chochorowski 1987, 155ff.). Furthermore, archaeological materials suggest that the Agathyrsi belonged to the tribes of the culture with fortified settlements of the Stincesti-Cotnari type, whose beginnings date to the 6thcentury B.C. These settlements are to be regarded as the centres of the Getic groups who would be partially transformed into the Dacian culture (Chochorowski 1987). Apparently, the Agathyrsi were assimilated in the Geto-Thracian environment. A poorly- known passage in Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. Ay&0upooi) seems to pro vide a more certain attestation for the location of the Agathyrsi in Thracia; it situates them in the Thracian “mons Haemus”. Epigraphic evidence from Italy of the 1st-2nd centuries A.D. suggests that an important part of the Dacians was formed by the population of Agathyrsian origin (for a convincing discussion of this problem see Kolosovskaya 1984. cf. also Chochorowski 1987, 148). After Herodotus, there are only few mentions of the Agathyrsi in classical sources (Mela Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 105 2.2, 10; Dionysius Per. 310ff (= GGM II 120); Ptolemy Geogr. 3.5.10, 22; Marcian of Heraclea Pontica Per. Mar. Ext. 2.39 (= GGM I 559). The Siginni in Central Europe Herodotus’ knowledge of the lands beyond the Danube is extremely scanty. He is, nevertheless, well informed about the Siginni living north of that river (Hdt. 5.9). For a discussion of this problem, see Chochorowski 1987, 182- 207 and Chochorowski 1993, 244ff. cf. also Markwart 1932). According to Herodotus, the Siginni wore Median clothes and used small ponies unable to carry their horsemen. They claimed to be Median colonists. Apollonius Rhodius (3rd century B.C.) in his poem Argonautika locates the Siginni in the “Laurion” plain {Argon. IV 320, ed. Vian, Paris 1981). Based upon the above mentioned sources, the hypothesis can be brought forward that the Siginni inhabited the Hungarian plain, probably its eastern part (Chochorowski 1993, 245f.). In archaeological terms, the Siginni are identified as a people con nected with the Mezocsat group and the southern group of the Vekerzug culture (Sulimirski 1961,795; Chochorowski 1987,185-197; Chochorowski 1993,251). Archaeological evidence suggests that the Siginni occupied the Hungarian plain in the Novocherkassk phase, probably in the 8thcentury B.C., and contributed to the emergence of the culture known as the Mezocsat group (Chochorowski 1998, 486). Afterwards, their culture seems to have been affected by Scythian influ ences, and, under such circumstances, the Vekerzug culture was formed (Chochorowski 1993, 181f.; Chochorowski 1998, 475f.). According to the Roman geographer Strabo, it was the Medes who were the originators of customs and clothing for the Persians. The most impor tant elements of Median and Persian dress were tunics with sleeves and trousers (Strabo. 11.13.9. Herodotus, 7.61, makes similar comments on Persian dress). It should be kept in mind that trousers were not used by the autochthonous tribes of Central Europe before the coming of the steppe groupings. Some light has been thrown by the archaeological finds on the Asiatic relations of the Siginni. Therefore, the historian must bear the results of the excavations conducted in Hungary in mind. It seems that the population of the Mezocsat group and of the Vekerzug culture (its southern group) used dress of 106 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia the Median or Persian type. Such an assumption is supported by archaeological finds from the area embracing these cultures and datable mainly to the 6th-5th centuries B.C.; they do not contain fibulae and pins which are indispensable for the wearing of traditional local clothes attested in the most parts of the Danubian region (Chochorowski 1993, 247f.). In addition, in the barrow graves investi gated at Szentes-Vekerzug 16 skeletons of small horses (tarpans) have been found (Harmatta 1968, 153-157; Sulimirski 1961, 795; Chochorowski 1993, 248). Such horses are described in Herodotus as used by Siginni. Furthermore, the population of the Vekerzug culture used so-called pintaders - clay stamps intended to mark tattooed pictures on someone’s skin (Chochorowski 1998, 484ff.). Such objects are attested beyond the Vekerzug culture in the North Caucasus (especially the Kuban culture) and in Transcaucasia. Thus, the pintaders are more definite evidence of Asiatic connections of the Vekerzug culture. More over, at several sites associated with this culture, some objects of Near Eastern origin have been found (Chochorowski 1998, 486). The Siginni are regarded in Herodotus as Median colonists. If Herodotus is right, it would seem that Siginni came from Iran. An interesting passage relat ing to this question is provided by Strabo (68 B.C.-A.D. 20). According to his account, the Siginni imitated the Persians in all their customs, except that they used ponies which were small and shaggy and, though unable to carry a horse man, were yoked together in a four-horse team (Strabo 11.11.8). However, Strabo’s description lists the Siginni alongside the Derbices, Hyrcanians, and Tapyri; all peoples of northern Iran inhabiting the areas south of the Caspian Sea. On the other hand, the Orphic poem about the Argonauts (Orpheus Argonautika 756) locates the Siginni between Phasis and Sinope in northern Asia Minor (Chochorowski 1993, 252). Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. Siyuvvoc;) seems to locate the Siginni/Sigynni southeast of the Black Sea (Markwart 1932, 14f.). The above-mentioned sources clearly document that, as far as can be judged at the present state of research, the Siginni came from Iran and were known in the north Danubian lands for their “Persian” or “Median” customs. During their migration, the Siginni moved through the Caucasus into the North Pontic steppes and established themselves in the Hungarian plain. According to a widely accepted, but unproven, theory, the Siginni are thought to be an Iranian people affected by the Scythian invasions (Chochorowski 1993, 275f.). However, we are not able to determine their language or ethnic Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 107 affiliation. They may be considered as an Iranian or pre-Iranian tribe. The Siginnian presence, whatever may have been the ethnic affiliations of this people, brought about the ethnic and cultural transformation of the Hungarian plain. In some Classical texts there are a number of mentions of the Sindi. This tribe is located in the most sources in the Taman Peninsula or in the adja cent areas (e.g. Herodotus 4.28,4.86; Strabo 11.2.11. For more details and fur ther references, see Machinskiy 1971, 33 and Chochorowski 1993, 252f.). Apollonius Rhodius locates the Sindi in the Laurion plain {Argon. IV 322, ed. Vian, Paris 1981, cf. Chochorowski 1993, 246). This statement suggests that the Sindi moved from the Azov Sea area to Central Europe. This migration probably took place in the 7th-6thcenturies B.C. in connection with the Scythian expansion in Central Europe; some groups of the Sindi settled in the Hungarian plain. Nevertheless, it seems that the bulk of the Sindi remained in the North Caucasus as they are attested there in many sources, including Bosporan in scriptions of the Roman period (Gardiner-Garden 1986, 207ff.). Persian activities in the Iberian Peninsula seem to be mentioned in Pliny’s Natural History (3.1.8) who writes, following Marcus Varro, that Spain was penetrated by invasions of Iberians, Persians, Phoenicians, Celts, and Carthaginians. There is, however, no evidence supporting Pliny’s statement of a Persian invasion in Spain. Some scholars suppose that Pliny had knowledge of some tribes using dress similar to that of the Persians, a phenomenon originated in connection with nomad invasions of the pre-Scythian and Scythian periods (Schule 1969, 55-57). The Scythians in Europe - some considerations The earliest written testimonies of Scythian activities in Western Asia - the Assyrian texts - date to the seventies of the 7th century B.C. (Diakonoff 1985, 96f.). Some fragments in the Histories of Herodotus also relate to the Scythian presence in the Near East. For some decades, the Scythians were one of the main political and military factors in Western Asia and Herodotus speaks of a period of Scythian hegemony there (Diakonoff 1994). According to Herodotus (1.106), the Medes under their king Kyaxares eventually forced the Scythians to return to their homeland (about 625 B.C.). This may be true of the bulk of the invading tribes, but some Scythian groups settled in Transcaucasia 108 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia and Azarbaijan (Diakonoff 1985, 100; 118ff.). Some excavated archaeological remains in the Near East can be linked with the Scythian presence (cf. Sulimirski 1954; Diakonoff 1994; Raevskiy 1995, 93). The Oriental civilization of West ern Asia played an important role in the formation of the Scythian culture. The question of the origin of the Scythians greatly intrigued contem porary writers. Valuable information on this issue is provided by Diodorus Siculus (2.43.1-2): “This people (i.e. the Scythians, M. J.O.) originally possessed little territory, but later, as they gradually increased in power, they seized much territory by reason of their deeds of might and their bravery and advanced their nation to great leadership and renown. At first, then, they dwelt on the Araxes river, altogether few in number and despised because of their lack of renown; but since one of their early kings was warlike and of unusual skills as a general they acquired territory, in the mountains as far as the Caucasus, and in the steppes along the ocean and Lake Maeotis and the rest of that country as far as the Tanais river”. Diodorus, living in the 1st century B.C., composed a huge work of world history in 40 books. As regards the peoples of the Ponto-Caspian steppes, Diodorus’ sources are often very reliable and offer much information not at tested in other writers (see Schneider 1880). O. Lendle (1992,242f.) has pointed out that “Die Bibliothek stellt eine groBe Kompilation dar, deren Wert sich aus der Tatsache ergibt, da/3 Diodor die zahlreichen von ihm ausgeschriebenen Quellen der Sache nach relativ treu bewahrte”. At present, Diodorus’ reliability is more highly regarded than it has been in the past (cf. Meister 1997). In his Scythian account, Diodorus apparently used some valuable sources independent of those drawn on by Herodotus. It is worth noting that Diodorus’ account describes the Scythian kingdom as situated north of the Caucasus. Thus, his source must have been earlier than the sources for the Herodotus’ account which focus on the period of Scythian hegemony in the North Pontic steppes. As regards the origins of the Scythians, Herodotus re ports that they were nomads living in Asia and, when the Massagetae harassed them in war, the Scythians went in search of home across the river Araxes (i.e. the Volga) to the lands of the Cimmerians (Hdt. 4.11). Using the testimonies of Diodorus and Herodotus we can state that the Scythians came from Central Asia. From Greek and Persian records we know that in the 6th-3rd centuries B.C. Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe.. 109 large areas of western Central Asia were dominated by a people called Massagetae (Saka Tigraxauda of Achaemenid inscriptions, cf. Olbrycht 1998,28ff). In the 6th century B.C., the Massagetae caused the Achaemenids much trouble. Thus, Cyrus the Great met his death while fighting against this powerful tribe (530 B.C.). It is certain that the power of the Massagetae, so striking in the 6th cen tury, lasted for a long time and may have been established in the 8th-7th centuries BC, when this expanding people supplanted the Scythians into the Caspian and North Caucasian steppes. Archaeological evidence fully vindicates Diodorus’ account of the Scythian realm existing north of the Caucasus (Pogrebova/Raevskiy 1992). As a whole, archaeological finds, including the famous kurgans at Kelermes, Krasnoe Znamya in Stavropol, Ulskiy Aul, and Kostromskaya Stanitsa show that during the 7th century B.C. the Scythian rulers held their headquarters in the steppe expanses north of the Caucasus (Makhortykh 1991; cf. also Murzin 1990, 26 and Raevskii 1995,91). The huge impact of Oriental civilization on the Scythians is reflected in their rich barrow-graves. The style and technique of finds as well as the dress and armour were heavy influenced by Western Asiatic elements. Not content with their dominions in the North Caucasian steppes, the Scythians subjugated the North Pontic area. It seems that in the second half of the 7thcentury and in the course of the 6thcentury B.C., the bulk of the Scythians moved from the North Caucasus into the North Pontic steppes. Most Scythian kurgans in the North Pontic area date to the 4,hcentury B.C. (e.g. Nikopol, Solokha, Chertomlyk, Alexadropol), only few are attributable to the 5th century B.C. From their North Pontic areas the Scythians made frequent raids on other regions, especially Central Europe. At the turn of the of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C., a number of new objects of steppe origin appeared in Central Europe. On the basis of their distinctive weapons and horse-equipment, these finds, coming mostly from burial assemblages, have been suggested as remi- nants of the Scythian culture spreading through Europe (Sulimirski 1945; idem 1961). Scythian forays reached Transylvania (Chochorowski 1998,480), Podolia (Chochorowski 1998, 479f.), and the Hungarian plain (Chochorowski 1998, 481). At the same time, the Scythians destroyed a number of fortified settle ments of the Lausatian culture (Chochorowski 1998, 481). Finds of Scythian origin have been found on several Polish and Slovak sites including Witaszkowo 110 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia (Vettersfelde), Wicina, Strzegom, Polanowice, and Smolenice-Molpir (Chocho rowski 1994, 49fF.). There is an alternative interpretation, although weaker in my opinion, of the nature of Scythian activities in Central Europe. H. Parzinger (1998) maintains that the settlements such as Smolenice-Molpir and Wicina, connected with the local populations, were not destroyed by the Scythians. In his opinion, the East Hallstatt culture and the Lausitian culture underwent a strong Scythian impact and borrowed from the nomads types of weapons and horse harness. Regrettably, we have no written evidence concerning the Scythian ad vances in Central Europe. Towards the end of the 4thcentury B.C., the Scythian power in the North Pontic area was crushed by the Sarmatians. In the course of the 3rd century B.C., the Celts and Bastarnae extended their dominions at the expanse of the Scythians. Scythian remnants retreated to the Crimea, present- day Dobruja and the adjacent areas. The Sauromatians and their “gynaecocracy” One of the important groupings among the Iranian-speaking peoples were the Sauromatians who roamed east of the Tanais/Don. Diodorus Siculus (2.43) offers a short description of this people in connection with Scythian his tory. First, he describes the Scythian invasions reaching Egypt and Thracia and then writes about some outstanding rulers of the Scythians: “It was by these kings that many of the conquered peoples were re moved to other homes, and two of these became very great colonies: the one was composed of Assyrians and was removed to the land between Paphlagonia and Pontus, and the other was drawn from Media and planted along Tanais, its people receiving the name Sauromatae” (Diod. 2.43.6). Pliny, a Roman writer of the 1st century A.D., provides a similar passage: “Next come the two mouths of the river Don (Tanais), where the inhabitants are the Sarmatae, said to be descended from the Medes, and themselves divided into a number of sections. The first of these are the Matriarchal Sauromatae (Sauromatae Gynaecocratumeni), the husbands of the Amazons” (Pliny Nat.Hist. 6.19). Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. Ill Judging from what Diodorus and Pliny say, the Sauromatians came into the steppes east of the Tanais from Iran. Pliny’s passage suggests that women occupied a high position in Sauromatian society. A similar motif connecting the Amazons and the Sauromatians’ forefathers is found in Herodotus (4.11 Off.). In his account, the Sauromatians were the descendants of Amazons and young Scythians who inhabited the area beyond the Tanais and Lake Maiotis. More over, according to Herodotus, the Sauromatians used a corrupted version of the Scythian language. He also states (4.21) that the Sauromatians’ land stretched “fifteen days journey northward from the northern tip of Lake Maiotis” (for the location of the Sauromatians see Machinskiy 1971,40f.). Of particular interest is the position of women among the Sauromatians reported in a number of clas sical sources (Mela 1.116; Pliny Nat.Hist. 6.19; Dionys. Per. 652ff. (= GGMII 144); Avien. Descr. Orb. 854ff. (= GGM II 184); Prise. Per. 645 (= GGM II 195); Ps.-Scyl. 70 (= GGM 159). The wives of the Sauromatian men kept to the ancient “Amazon” mode of living, going out on horseback to hunt, joining their husbands in war, and wearing the same dress as men. This is why the Greeks associated the Sauromatians with the Amazons of their mythological tradition. During the invasion of Darius (about 514-512 B.C.), the Sauromatians sup ported the Scythians (Hdt. 4.119ff.). Herodotus’ account of the Sauromatians’ origins probably derives from folk tales from Olbia which contained some leg endary motifs typical of Greek tradition, including the Amazon story. Herodotus’ version does not provide statements linking the Sauromatians with the Near East. Diodorus Siculus and Pliny in their accounts relating to the origins of the Sauromatians differ in some details from that given by Herodotus. All these authors, however, locate the Sauromatians as living to the east of the Tanais/ Don or on the Tanais/Don, regarding them as the neighbours of the Scythians. As to the Sauromatians’ original homeland, Herodotus writes about the estab lishment of a new, Sauromatian tribe in the steppes, whereas according to Diodorus and Pliny the Sauromatians came from Iran. Despite these differences, all three writers believe that the Sauromatians were a new tribe in the steppe area. If we believe the chronology given in Herodotus, they were formed after the Scythians had dominated the North Pontic steppes, i.e. not earlier than in the 7th century B.C. Besides the fragments mentioned above, classical sources offer only few fragments relating to the early Sauromatians. Most records situate the 112 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia Sauromatians next to the Tanais/Don (Mela 1.116; Ps.-Scyl. 70 (= GGMl 59); Diod. 2.43; Pliny Nat.Hist. 6.19). Pseudo-Hippocrates (DeAere, Locis etAquis 17) describes the Sauromatians as living in Europe by Lake Maiotis and ob serves matriarchal elements in their society (Machinskiy 1971, 39). Some ac counts suggest that there were close ties between Sauromatians and Maiotians, a people living next to the Sea of Azov (Lake Maiotis) north of the Caucasus (Machinskiy 1971,41). According to Ephorus (4thcentury B.C.), the tribe of the Maiotae was composed of Sauromatians. Another writer, Demetrius of Kallatis (end of the 3rdcentury B.C.) maintains that the Maiotians were called Iazamatae, a name which seems to be of Iranian origin. Both authors are cited by pseudo- Scymnus in his Periegesis (860-880, = GGMl 232-233. cf. Machinskiy 1971, 44f.; Dilke 1985, 144; Gardiner-Garden 1987, 7ff.). The Sauromatians were probably an Iranian grouping who came from Media during the course of the migrations of the 7th century B.C. At first, they occupied the area on the Tanais/Don not far from Lake Maiotis north of the Caucasus. It is highly probable that they merged with some indigenous tribes, especially the Maiotians. An echo of such a merging may be detected in Herodotus’ and Pliny’s accounts of the Amazons uniting with the Sauromatians’ ancestors. The important part played by women in Sauromatian society is also attested in the history of the Maiotians (Ps.-Scymn., loc. cit.; Anon. Per. Pont. Eux. 45 (= GGM I 412). A semi-legendary Maiotian queen called Tirgatao is described by Polyaenus (Strateg. 8.55). In all likelihood, the Sauromatians were formed on the basis of Maiotian groupings whose customs were to some extent matriarchal. Such customs were probably widespread amongst the peoples of the Caucasus region and are reflected in the Greek stories of the Amazons. In the 4th century B.C., the name Sarmatae or Syrmatae makes its first appearance in classical sources in Pseudo-Scylax (Peripl. 68-70) and Eudoxus of Cnidus (circa 390-340 B.C.), both preserved by Stephanus of Byzantium, s.v. S u p iid x a i (cf. Gardiner-Garden 1988, passim). Pseudo-Scylax wrote a com pilation, dating no earlier than in the 4thcentury B.C. (Dilke 1985,133f), based on earlier periploi and contemporary sources. According to M. I. Rostovtzeff, the designations Sarmatian and Syrmatians are to be equated (cf. Machinskiy 1971, 48). Later classical writers, especially those of the Roman period, regard the Sarmatians as a group name for the tribes of the Ponto-Caspian steppes. Most classical writers of the late Hellenistic and Roman periods used the names Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe... 113 Sauromatians and Sarmatians interchangeably and “applied freely to the Sarmatae of their own times what Hecataeus, Herodotus, and other'early authors had to say of the Sauromatae” (Rostovtzeff 1936, 91). However, it is necessary to emphasize that several classical writers clearly distinguished between the Sauromatians and Sarmatians/Syrmatians (Ps.-Scyl. Peripl. 68-70; Ps.-Scym. Per. 876-881; Pliny Nat.Hist. 6.16. On this issue see Machinskiy 1971, 48f.). Although the Latin writers of the Roman period preferred the term Sarmatians (Sarmatae), in some literary sources and inscriptions of the Imperial period the personal name Sauromates occurs (cf. Vinogradov 1994, 11). M. I. Rostovtzeff denied the possibility of any genetic relation between the Sauromatians known from Herodotus, as well as some other writers, includ ing Ephorus and Hippocrates, and the Sarmatians. For Rostovtzeff (1931, 103), the particular position of women among the Sauromatians was “ein schlagender Beweis daftir, daft die Sauromaten mit den Sarmaten nicht identisch waren”. At present, however, most scholars equate the Sauromatians and the Sarmatians (e.g. Smirnov 1980). Contemporary archaeologists associate the historical Sauromatians with the archaeological finds which form the so-called Volga- and Samara-Ural groups. These groups belong to the so-called Sauromatian culture. Most archaeologists derive this culture from the people of the Srubnaya culture of the Bronze Age (Melyukowa 1990,111). In historical terms, it is hardly possible to attribute the whole Volga-group and the Samara-Ural group to the Sauromatians. In particu lar, the Samara-Ural group of the so called “Sauromatian” culture cannot be identified with the historical Sauromatians who are attested only for the area on the Tanais/Don and not beyond the Volga in the east. The peoples who dominated the steppes between the Don and the Volga during the 4th century B.C. and at the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. were organized into several tribes. Initially, these tribes had no common designation known to western writers. In all likelihood the most important components of this wave of peoples can be identified as the later Iazygs and Royal Sarmatians. The surviving Sauromatians joined the conquerors and were able to preserve for a long time their separate position, as reported in some sources which distin guish the Sauromatians from the Sarmatians. The name of the Sauromatians, although in the slightly modified form “Sarmatians”, was transferred into the 114 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia designation of all tribes who subjugated the steppes east of Scythia proper. Ac cording to Rostovtzeff (1936, 91), it is possible that the names Sarmatians and Sauromatians were only different spellings of the same Iranian name. Both forms can be derived from the old Iranian dialects (Abaev 1979, 305 and 349). Like the Sauromatians, some Maiotian tribes were incorporated into the new victori ous peoples. The Maiotians must have been numerous enough to maintain a historical tradition of their own, since the name of the “Sarmatian” Iazygs can be derived from the appellation Iazamatai, one of the Maiotian groupings. The paucity of available information does not allow the creation of a detailed account of the struggles between Sauromatians and newcomers from the east, but it is clear that the latter were victorious and that the surviving Sauromatians joined the victors in their further expansion. The indigenous Sauromatians were to some extent absorbed by the new waves of eastern no mads, being identified under the appellation “Sarmatians”. These new tribes in all likelihood came from Central Asia. It is interesting that Pliny in his Natural History (6. 48) mentions a people called Syrmatae next to the Drebices, i.e. in living in the Transcaspian plains in Central Asia. We can assume that some of the new steppe tribes, having dominated the Ponto-Caspian area, preserved also Sauromatian cultural elements. The oc currence of the term farn in a few “Sarmatian” names is probably one such element. This term seems to be of Median origin as it is attested in sources relating to the Medes (cf. the names CiOra-farnah and E-farnah (Diakonoff 1985, 103 and 140). Evidence for the pre-Achaemenid links between the steppe nomads and Iran - the Zariadres story In the 8thcentury B.C., a new political factor emerged in Western Asia: the nomads from beyond the Caucasus who penetrated into the Near East during the second half of the 8thcentury B.C. and in the 7thcentury B.C. (cf. Diakonoff 1985, 89ff.; idem 1994). The earliest nomads of that time were the Cimmerians who advanced into Transcaucasia, Iran, and Asia Minor. Soon after the Cimmerians, the Scythians invaded Western Asia. According to Herodotus (1.106) the Scythians ruled the Near East for almost 30 years until the Median king Kyaxares killed their chiefs. On the other hand, Scythian arms and tactics Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe... 115 were used by the victorious Medes. According to Herodotus (1.73), Medes took instruction from Scythians in archery. Herodotus relates that the Scythians re turned to their homeland which is to be located north of the Caucasus. As stated above, in the culture and art known from the Scythian North Caucasian burials, there are many elements which originate in Western Asiatic civilization, includ ing Iranian artefacts and motifs. A Greek writer living in the second half of the 4thcentury B.C., Chares of Mytilene, has transmitted the charming Iranian tale of Zariadres. According to this story, Hystaspes and Zariadres, who were the sons of Aphrodite and Adonis, reigned in powerful countries. Hystaspes ruled Media, and Zariadres the areas above the Caspian Gates up to the Tanais. Beyond the river Tanais lived the Marathoi under their king Omartes. After many adventures and miracle events, Zariadres married Omartes’ daughter, Odatis. Chares stresses that the barbarians of Asia placed great value on this tale, and many scenes from it were painted in the houses and palaces of Asia. The story is preserved in Athenaeus (Deipnosophistae 13.35, p. 575 = F. Jacoby, FrGrHist 125, fr. 5). The tale has been studied in depth by several scholars (Boyce 1955,463ff.; Yarshater 1983, 467ff. cf. also Noldeke 1896,4f. and Markwart 1938,126ff.). M. Boyce (1955, 470) came to the conclusion that “the story of Zariadres and Odatis was in fact a Median legend, already ancient when Chares heard it”. Some scholars pointed out striking similarities of Chares’ story to a tale told by Firdausi and ThacalibT about Gushtasp (Markwart 1938, 130; Boyce 1955, 463). The geographical setting of the Zariadres’ realm and the Marathoi re mains fairly unclear. J. Markwart (1938, 126) believes that Chares must have identified the Tanais with the Iaxartes/Syr Darya. Consequently, we should lo cate the Marathoi in Central Asia. However, it must be kept in mind that in the ancient period there was a confusion between the Central Asian Tanais/Syr Darya and the European Tanais/Don. The second question which might be addressed to Chares’ story is a textual one. The manuscripts offer the form Marathoi, Gen. M apa0a)v, which seems to be not reliable. The Persian national epic, the Sahname, differs in some respects from the Zariadres story transmitted by Chares. In the Sahname, the main hero is Gushtasp, brother of Zarer. A daughter of a Roman emperor called Katayun is to choose a husband. The emperor’s residence in the Sasanid period was built 116 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia by Salm who was considered the ancestor of the Romans, but in earlier times had been regarded as ancestor of the Sarmatians (Markwart 1938, 130). “Dies fiihrt aber auf die Vermutung, dass Marathoi eine persische oder griechische Verdrehung von *Parama = aw. Sairima ist” (Markwart 1938,131). Under these circumstances, some scholars restored the text of Chares with the term EapjiocTcbv instead of M apaicav (cf. Markwart 1938, 131, note 2). This textual conjecture may be strengthened by two further factors. First, the name Zariadres, known from Chares, is historically attested in Armenia (Justi 1895, 382f.; Boyce 1955, 466). Thus, in the 2nd century B.C., a Zariadres (Zareh) ruled the Armenian principality of Sophene (Strabo 11.14.15). Second, the Medes in the 7th century B.C. were involved in the developments in the Caucasus re gion as partners and enemies of the Scythians which also makes the location of the Zariadres story in the west more probable. On the whole, it seems that Chares’ story is related to the region of the Caucasus and the Caspian and North Pontic steppes. This tale may be consid ered weighty evidence in favour of the existence of close connections between Media and peoples from beyond the Caucasus. Changing events in Scythia - the Sarmatian invasion The central Eurasian steppes were inhabited by different nomadic tribes which can be called, with some caution, “Sarmatian”. The Sarmatians belonged to the northern branch of the Iranian-speaking peoples (Bielmeier 1989). They were never a homogenous ethnic entity and T. Sulimirski (1970a, 23f.) stresses that “It is a mistake to treat all the Sarmatians alike with the result that some special practices and features characteristic of one branch only, e.g. cranial de formation, have been presented as typical of all the Sarmatian peoples”. The designation “Sarmatian” has been differently used by our sources and modern scholars. The first Sarmatian tribes to be known by this name are attested in Clas sical sources as Sarmatae (Eapji&Tou). In later ancient sources, especially from the 1st century B.C. onwards, the terms Sarmatae (E a p iia x a i) and Sauromatae (E a u p o fia x a i) were often used as synonyms. The name Sarmatian was applied by ancient authors to the most steppe tribes which were moving into the Ponto- Caspian steppes from Central Asia after the collapse of Greater Scythia until the coming of the Huns (on the Sarmatians see Kretschmer 1920; Kretschmer 1921; Rostovtzeff 1922,113ff:; Rostovtzeff 1931, lOOff.; Rostovtzeff 1936,91ff; Junge Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 117 1939,72ff.; Harmatta 1970,8ff.; Sulimirski 1970; Sulimirski 1970a; Machinskiy 1971; Machinskiy 1974; Smirnov 1980; Moshkova 1989, 153-154; Olbrycht 1998, passim). It is clear that there were striking differences amongst the steppe Iranian peoples of the post-Scythian period, including in their culture and religion. As the earliest reference to the Sarmatians is often considered to be the term Sairima- found in the Avesta, and later found as Sim *Sarm and Salm (Bailey 1985). This nomenclature is found in the Farvardln Yast (13.143) alongside some other ethnonyms, including the Aryan, Tuira, Sainu, and Danu lands. It is, however, not certain whether this passage is not a later interpolation. On the other hand, V. A. Livshits tends to date this Yast to the 5thcentuiy B.C. (in a letter of November 10, 1997). If this date is reliable, the Avestan Sairima could not be an earlier designa tion than the Sauromatians of Herodotus who wrote in the 5thcentury B.C., but his sources relating to the Sauromatians may be dated to the 6th century B.C. The early history of the Sarmatians in the 4th-2ndcenturies B.C. is poor ly documented (Rostovtzeff 1925, 23ff.; Machinskiy 1971, 45; Gardiner-Gar- den 1988). The accounts which have been preserved provide evidence that Sarmatian groups moved westwards and carried out devastating raids (cf. Ro stovtzeff 1931, lOlff.; Moshkova 1989, 154.; Rostovtzeff 1993, 37f.). Sarma tian attacks against the Scythians are reported by Lucian (Tox. 39) and, more accurately, by Diodorus Siculus (2.46.1-2). Diodorus says: “Many years later this people (i.e. the Sauromatae) became powerful and ravaged a large part of Scythia, and destroying utterly all whom they subdued they turned most of the land into a desert. (Diod. 2.43.7). In Diodorus, the term Sauromatian is equated with the designation Sarmatian. The chronology of the Sarmatian advances into Scythian territory is disputed, suggestions ranging between the second half of the 4th century B.C. and the 2nd century B.C. Machinskiy (1971, 52) believes that the Sarmatians deprived the Scythians of their leading position in the North Pontic steppes shortly before 310 B.C. His hypothesis is based upon Heracleides’ of Pontus and Theophrastus’ statements concerning the alleged Sarmatian activity to the west of Tanais/Don and the posited date 310 for the year of Heracleides’ death. The most recent viewpoints concerning the chronology of the Sarmatian advan ces in the North Pontic area are given by Vinogradov/Marchenko/Rogov (1997) and Vinogradov (1997). They are inclined to date the Sarmatian invasion to wards the end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd century B.C. 118 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia Historical sources document that in the second half of the 4th century B.C. Scythian dominance over the North Pontic steppes was heavily affected by some defeats. Thus in 339 B.C. the powerful Scythian king Atheas was defeated and killed in battle with Philip of Macedon. In 313 B.C., the Scythians invaded the area south of the Danube, but were beaten off (Diod. 19.73). Furthermore, the Scythians took an active part in the struggles in the Bosporan kingdom in 309 B.C. (Diod. 20.24). The decline of the Scythians was mainly due to inva sions by Sarmatian peoples. After conquering Scythia, the Sarmatian tribes became the main political factor in the North Pontic steppes. In the second half of the 3rd and in the 2nd centuries B.C., two Little Scythias arose in the Crimea and in Dobruja (cf. Strabo 7.4.5. See also Machinskiy 1971, 53 and Marchenko 1996, 76f.). In this period, the Scythians were under pressure not only from the Sarmatians, but also from the Getae and the Bastarnae in the west (Marchenko 1996, 77). The expansion of the Sarmatian tribes from the steppe expanses east of the Don to the North Pontic steppes took place in the late 4th and early 3rd cen tury A.D. in connection with the disturbances set off by the wars of Hellenistic states against the nomads of Central Asia. Under the Achaemenids, different forms of co-existence between nomads and sedentary population were devel oped in Central Asia and northeastern Iran. The Iranian tribes of the Massagetae, Sakas, and Dahae settled in the steppes on the borders of the Persian empire. Alexander’s campaigns in Central Asia dealt a shattering blow to the relation of nomads with sedentary areas. The pastoral steppe tribes were driven back and cut off from the settled population. In all areas adjoining to the steppe expanses (Parthia, Areia, Margiana, and Transoxiana) resistance to the conqueror was stronger than elsewhere in the Achaemenid empire. Moreover, the sedentary population of these provinces gained the support of nomads: the Sakas beyond the Iaxartes/Syr Darya, and the Dahae, as well as the Massagetae. Under Greek rule, Central Asia and Iran experienced great urban growth. The cities were instruments of colonization and served as military as well as economic centres. Nomadic tribes roaming beyond the frontiers of the Hellenistic world tried to gain more influence on the borderland and challenge the restrictive Hellenistic system. As regards this development, there are striking analogies to be found in nomadic-Chinese interactions, as shown in the studies of Barfield (1989) and Jagchid/Symons (1990). The greatest early Hellenistic undertaking in the steppes was the expedition led by Demodamas prior to 305 B.C. in which he crossed the Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe.. 119 Syr Darya and then marched into the steppe (Olbrycht 1998, 44). The nomadic response to the Seleucid attack came in invasions carried out against Seleucid possessions. The turmoil in the steppes and the movements of the Dahae re sulted in the westward migration of the Sarmatian tribes. At the end of the 4th century B.C., nomads, including the Dahae, penetrated Seleucid territory and appear to have succeeded in destroying some cities, as well as devastating areas of northern Iran. The Dahae had lived in the lands along the Syrdaria at the borders of Sogdiana and Khorasmia at the time of Alexander. By the middle of the 3rdcentury B.C., they had advanced to the frontiers of the Seleucid kingdom in the vicinity of northern Parthia (present-day Turkmenistan). Seleucid policy towards the nomads recalls Samanid activity in the steppes under Isma°Tl at the end of the 9th century A.D. (Bosworth 1978). This resulted in the westward migration of the Hungarians from the North Pontic steppes to Pannonia. Within one decade after the Samanid attacks against the Oghuz in Central Asia (A.D. 893), the Hungarians managed to subjugate the whole Carpathian basin (Gyorffy 1985, 234ff.). Early Sarmatian expansion in the North Pontic steppes is hardly di scernible in archaeological finds. Most Greek and native settlemens in the Pon tic area were destroyed in the 70-60s of the 3rd century B.C. through Sarmatian pressure (Vinogradov/Marchenko 1989, 548f.; Marchenko 1996, 74). It seems that the centre of gravity of Sarmatian power in the 4th-3rdcenturies B.C. should be located in the areas to the north of the Caucasus. Here, new types of graves, apparently of Sarmatian origin, are attested in the second half of the 4thcentury B.C. (see Abramova 1991 and eadem 1992). In the 3rd century B.C., the most significant Sarmatian centres were located in the lower Don area, Kalmykia, the Kuban region, and the Central Caucasus. At this time, there were practically no Sarmatian burials in the North Pontic area. According to the present state of research, the appearance of Sarmatian graves in the southern Ukrainian steppes next to the Black Sea followed in the 2nd century B.C. (Simonenko 1993). The hegemony of the Royal Sarmatians in the North Pontic Steppes and the infiltration of steppe tribes in the Carpathian Basin The major Sarmatian migration to the areas encompassing the lands between the Don and Dnieper and the territories further to the west took place about 175-150 B.C. The Sarmatians now lived in close proximity to many Greek 120 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia and indigenous settlements on the Black Sea (Marchenko 1996, 72). These de velopments were responsible for the appearance of a number of Sarmatian gra ves, which are particularly attested from the 2ndcentury B.C. onwards (cf. Simo nenko 1993). There are very few classical sources dealing with the peoples of the Ponto-Caspian steppes during the period extending from the 3rd century B.C. to the time when Rome established close contacts with these tribes. The scarcity of the sources is stressed by the Greek historian of the 2nd century B.C. Polybius (38.2-3). For a convincing discussion of this problem, see Machinskiy (1971, 122ff.). It is significant that Pseudo-Scymnus (writing at the end of the 2nd/be- ginning of the 1st century B.C.) relies on much older authors, including Ephorus. Polyaenus in his Strategemata (8.56) offers an interesting account of a Sarmatian queen called Amage. She intervened against her vassals, the Crimean Scythians, and put a rebellious Scythian ruler to death. Amage was allied with the people of the Crimean Chersonesus. This account should be dated to the 3rd century B.C. (Rostovtzeff 1931, 16). One of the most important sources relating to Sarmatian and Scythian history of the 3rd century B.C. is the decree in honour of Protogenes discovered at Olbia (IOSPE I2, 32). This document dates to the 220s-21 Os B.C. (Vinogradov 1989, 182, n.16. For a detailed discussion see Vinogradov 1989, 179ff). The decree shows that the Olbians were repeatedly forced to pay tribute to the Saii, apparently a Sarmatian tribe, and their king Saitaphames (IOSPE I2, 32A: 11, 34,44,84-92). The Scythians are also recorded in the decree, but as an insignifi cant tribe. Mention is also made of some other groups, including the Thyssamatae and Saudaratae, whose names should be regarded as Iranian (Harmatta 1970, 12; Abaev 1979, 304; Vinogradov 1989,183). The Saii can be identified as the Royal Sarmatians (Machinskiy 1971, 47; Vinogradov 1989, 181). The Royal Sarmatians are attested in Strabo (7.3.17) and Appian (Mithr. 69). A hint about the origins of the Saii is found in their name. J. Harmatta (1970,1 If. and 98) has explained this as an Iranian derivative from *xsaya “Herrscher”. The name Saitapharnes is, without a doubt, an Iranian proper name (Harmatta 1970, 11 and 94; Abaev 350). The element farn is also attested in other Sarmatian names (cf. the names Arifames in Diod. 20.22-23 and Uatafames is found in epigraphic fragments cited by Machinskiy 1971, 47). Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 121 The dominant position of the Sarmatians in the steppes next to the Black Sea in the 2nd century B.C. is shown by another source. The 2nd century historian Polybius mentions the “Sarmatian” king Gatalus, whose power is il lustrated by the fact that he is named in the peace treaty concluded about 179 B.C. by Phamaces, king of Pontus with his adversaries (Polyb. 25.2.13. cf. Machinskiy 1971, 46f.). The principal source for the history of the Ponto-Caspian steppes in the 2nd- lst centuries B.C. constitutes the Geography by Strabo of Amaseia. He used relations connected with the activities of Mithridates VI Eupator in the North Pontic region (cf. Strabo 1.2.1). Thus, his description dates, for the most part, to the last decades of the 2nd and to the 1st century B.C., but to some extent mirrors the state of affairs during the whole of the 2nd century. Strabo enumer ates the following peoples in the North Pontic steppes: “Then the country of the Tyregetae; and after it the country of the Iazygian Sarmatians and that of the people called the Basileians (Royal) and that of the Urgi, who in general are nomads, though a few are interested also in farming (...). In the interior dwell, first, those Bastamians whose country borders on that of the Tyregetans and Germans (...). The Roxolani (...) roam the plains between the Tanais and the Borysthenes” (Strabo. 7.3.17). Judging from what Strabo says, it was the Royal Sarmatians and the Iazygs who made up the first wave of Iranian nomads of the post-Scythian pe riod. It is possible that the Royal Sarmatians are to be identified with the Saii known from the Protogenes decree. The Iazygs may be identified with the ear lier tribe oflaxamatae/Iazamatae (Rostovtzeff 1936,93; Sulimirski 1970a, 102). The Iaxamatae are mentioned in a number of sources (Ixomatai in Polyaenus Strat. 8.55; Iaxamatae in Mela 1.114; Ixibatai in Hecataeus. ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. (= FGrHist 1 F 216); Iaxamatai in Ptol. Geogr. 5.8.10, 12; Iazabatai in Steph. Byz. s.v.; Iazamatai in Ps.-Scymn. 879 (= GGM 1223), and in Anon. Per. Pont. Eux. 45 (= GGM 1412); Exomatae in Val. FI. 6.144, 146, 569). After the Iazygs, Strabo names the Roxolani whose movements fol lowed the migrations of the former. According to Strabo, this tribe lived be tween the Dnieper and Don. The Roxolani carried on war with Diophantus, the general of the Pontic King Mithridates Eupator. The Scythians appealed to them 122 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia for help against Diophantus, but they were finally defeated as reported by Strabo (7.3.17). It is strange that the Roxolani, treated by most scholars as a Sarmatian tribe, acted as allies of the Scythians in their campaigns against the Chersonesus and Pontus. Previously, the Sarmatians had been the principal enemies of the Scythians. Diophantus’ activities on the northern Black Sea shore are recorded in the decree dedicated by the Chersonesians in his honour. Judging from this inscription, Diophantus fought against the Reuxinali who are probably identical with the Roxolani known from Strabo. However, Ptolemy (Geogr. 3.5.7; 3.5.10) knows both appellations. According to Strabo (2.5.7), the Roxolani were the most remote of the Scythians. The same writer defines the Roxolani as a tribe of the Bastarnae living between the Borysthenes and the Tanais (7.3.17). The Bastarnae were probably of Germanic stock (Pliny Nat.Hist. 4.81). They are attested from abo ut 233 B.C. onwards on the area extending from Olbia to the Danube (Batty 1994). In all events, the ethnic identity of the Roxolani is not clear, perhaps they were a mixed Scytho-Sarmatian group. The presence of the Roxolani close to the Roman frontier in Walachia is recorded in the 60s of the 1st century A.D., when the governor of Moesia, Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, had to defend the Roman frontier on the Danube (Anderson 1934, 775ff.). The nomadic pressure is attested in his epitaph (ILS 986. cf. Bosworth 1977, 222; Olbrycht 1998, 194). Strabo (7.3.17) mentions another tribe in the North Pontic steppes, the Urgoi, who are otherwise unknown. Their name is Iranian (Abaev 1979, 308 interprets it as meaning “wolves”). In the 1st century B.C., the hegemony of the Sarmatian tribes in the steppes continued. The Sarmatians were amongst the allies of Mithridates Eu pator in his wars against Rome (App. Mithr. 15, 57, 69). During the 1st century B.C., different Sarmatian groupings moved westwards towards the Danube, re aching the Hungarian plain. On the lower Danube, the steppe tribes pressed against the Roman frontier (Anderson 1934; Harmatta 1970, 26ff.; Bachrach 1973; Fitz 1979; Batty 1994). One of the first Sarmatian attacks on Roman Thracia is recorded by Cassius Dio in 16-15 B.C. (Dio 54.20.1-3). In the Augu stan period, some Sarmatian tribes (perhaps the Aorsi) sent embassies to Rome (Res Gestae 31.2). Ovid speaks of Sarmatian and Iazygian herdsmen (Batty Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe.. 123 1994, passim). Prior to A.D. 50, the Iazygs established themselves in Pannonia (Tac. Ann. 12.29-30. cf. Machinskiy 1974, 129). Sarmatian tribes, especially the Iazygs and the Roxolani, played an important part in the history of the Car pathian basin of the lM * centuries A.D. The Aorsi, Upper Aorsi and Siraces In his description of the steppes beyond the Tanais Strabo (7.3.17; 11.2.1; 11.5.8) enumerates the Aorsi, Upper Aorsi, and Siraces (cf. Nicolai 1984). In the most important passage he gives the following account of those peoples: “The next peoples to which one comes between Lake Maeotis and the Caspian Sea are nomads, the Nabiani and the Panxani, and then next the tribes of the Siraces and the Aorsi. The Aorsi and the Siraces are thought to be fugitives from the upper tribes of those names and the Aorsi are more to the north than the Siraces. Now Abeacus, king of the Siraces, sent forth twenty thousand horsemen at the time when Phamaces held the Bosporus; and Spadines, king of the Aorsi, two hundred thousand; but the Upper Aorsi sent a still larger number, for they held dominion over more land, and, one may almost say, ruled over most of the Caspian coast. And consequently they could import on camels the Indian and Babylonian merchandise, receiving it in their turn from the Armenians and the Medes, and, also, owing to their wealth, could wear golden ornaments. Now the Aorsi live along the Tanais, but the Siraces live along the Achardeus, which flows from the Caucasus and empties into Lake Maiotis”. This description derives basically from Hypsicrates (for a ‘detailed disscussion of Strabo’s sources, see Lasserre 1975, 22-24 and Olbrycht 1998, 133ff. cf. Rostovtzeff 1931, 126ff. and Harmatta 1970, 14). He was one of the historians of the wars fought by Mithridates VI Eupator (120-63 B.C.) against the tribes of the Black Sea region. Moreover, in 48-47 B.C., the Aorsi and Siraces gave support the Bosporan kingdom and their presence became more apparent to classical writers. The steppe tribes called “Sauromatai” are mentioned in Appian (Mithr. 120) as allies of Phamaces, the king of Bosporus, in his attacks against Theodosia and Pantikapaion (around 47 B.C., cf. Gajdukevich 1971, 323f.). 124 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia The royal names given in Strabo’s account, Spadines and Abeacus, are Iranian (Humbach 1969, 42). It is striking that Strabo describes the Aorsi and Siraces as refugees from other tribes. Similarly, the Huns, Avars, and Hungarians appeared in Europe “as small bands of gifted adventurers and/or refugees, who were able to forge on newly entered territories a confederation including alien associates” (Pritsak 1988,749). Apparently both Aorsi and Siraces were fugitives from tribes east of the Volga. The Siraces are attested in many sources (Mela 1.114; Pliny Nat.Hist. 4.83. cf. Olbrycht 1998, 135f.). Their homeland should be located in the Transcaspian plains. This assumption is vindicated by the following data. A country named Sirakene, located on the borders of Hyrcania, appears in Ptolemy’s Geography (6.9.5). A further important clue is the personal name Sirakes, mentioned in Polyaenus’ Strategemata (7.12) in connection with Persian attacks against the steppe peoples of Turkestan. This name should be treated as designation derived from an ethnonym. The appellation “Sirakoi” in Polyaenus (Strat. 8.26) is, in fact, a conjecture. The sources cited support the theory that the Siraces came from Central Asia. Harmatta (1970, 33-34) has already postulated that the Siraces migrated from Turkestan. In some modem studies (Sulimirski 1970a, 103;Gardiner-Garden 1986, 215ff.), the Siraces are believed to have taken part in the Bosphoran civil war of 310/309 BC which is described by Diodorus Siculus (20.22-26). However, Diodorus’ passage gives the form ©paicd) v which was arbitrarily rejected, with some scholars (e.g. Rostovtzeff 1922, 163 and Gardiner-Garden 1986, 232f.) emending the text to S ip axcov. Such a conjecture cannot be vindicated either by philological data or historical circumstances. Thus, the alleged presence of the Siraces in the North Caucasus already in the 4th century B.C. cannot be confirmed by historical records. The Upper Aorsi controlled the vast area extending from the Caucasus, through Kalmykia and the Nogai steppe in the west, up to the Aral region in the east. Of particular interest is their participation in international trade. In Aorsian territory on the lower Volga, Parthian coins have been found. This evidence clearly documents the existence of trade relations between Iran and the peoples of the Ponto-Caspian steppe and supports Strabo’s description of trade routes (Olbrycht 1998,134). This trade could have flourished only under the protection Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe.. 125 of the nomadic rulers. Objects of Parthian origin have been found in the forest belt of contemporary Russia and in the North Pontic area (Olbrycht 1998a, passim). Our sources concerning the Aorsi are rather poor and their historical interpretation is not beyond dispute. The name of the Aorsi is of Iranian origin (Harmatta 1970, 82-85). Besides Strabo, the Aorsi are mentioned in Ptolemy’s Geography (6.14.10; 3.5.10; 3.5.22), in Pliny’s Natural History (4.80), and in the Tabula Peutingeriana (10.1). An interesting story concerning the Aorsi and Siraces is provided by Tacitus (Ann. 12.15ff.) who describes dynastic feuds in the Bosphoran kingdom during the years A.D. 48-49 (Treidler 1961). Mithridates VIII, supported by the Siraces and their king Zorsines, fought against his half- brother, Cotys, who was in alliance with Rome and Eunones, king of the Aorsi. There is, however, a textual problem connected with this text. In our manuscripts the forms adorsorum, adorsi, and aduorsorum are attested (H. Fuchs in Alt- heim 1969, 74-75). Lipsius emended the text to Aorsorum and he is followed in this conjecture by most scholars (e.g. Harmatta 1970,83. cf., however, Humbach’s objections - 1969,42, n.2). On the whole, Lipsius’ conjecture seems to be well vindicated by historical circumstances. There are also new records concerning the Aorsi. In 1984, a new inscription, dating to the 1st century B.C., was found at Olbia in the Crimea. This mentions an embassy to the “greatest kings of Aorsia” ( t o u q iieyioiroix; Tr j g ’A o p aiag Pocaie[ag, cf. Vinogradov 1994, 10- 11). In Chinese records, the Upper Aorsi are known as An-ts’ai/Yen-ts’ai (Olbrycht 1998, 135). In some classical sources the term “Hamaxobioi” is attested (Mela 2.3: Sauromatae ... Hamaxobiae; Pliny Nat.Hist. 4.80: Hamaxobii; Ptol. Geogr. 3.5.10: Hamaxobioi; Tabula Peutingeriana 12-3: Amaxobii Sarmatae). This appellation is derived from the Greek word hamaxa which designated in par ticular the wagons of the Pontic nomadic tribes (cf. Hdt. 1.216; 4.114, 121; Lucian. Anach. 18). According to several authors, the nomads of the Ponto- Caspian steppe expanses used wagons in their movements (Tac. Germ. 46. cf. Strabo 7.3.17 (Hamaxoikoi), Ovid, Trist. 3.10.33 and Horace, Odes 3.24.9-16). Pliny (Nat. HistA.%0) says “Hamaxobii aut Aorsi”, and this equation seems to be reliable (Machinskiy 1971,13 If.). The Aorsi are probably referred to under the name Hamaxobii in late Roman sources. Some scholars (e.g. Sulimirski 1970a), however, identify the Hamaxobii with the Roxolani. 126 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia From the middle of the 1st century A.D. (around 48/49 A.D.) up to the 60s of that century, two steppe rulers, Pharzoios and Inismeus, minted their coins in Olbia. These emissions are known from finds in the Balkans and in the North Pontic area (Gajdukevich 1971, 344; Karyshkovskiy 1982; idem 1982a). There is controversy about the ethnic identity of these rulers. According to Yu. G. Vinogradov (in Rostovtzeff 1993, 144) they were kings of the Aorsi, whereas Skripkin (1996) believes they were rulers of Alanic tribes. The Alans and their eastern relations In the 60s of the 1st century A.D., a people appeared on the Roman horizon (Lucan. Phars. 8.223; 10.454; Sen. Thyest. 630. cf. also Val. Flacc. 6.42, 656; Martial 7.30) who changed the balance of power in the Caspian and Pontic steppes (Bachrach 1973; Bosworth 1977,222ff.; Yatsenko 1993). It bore the name Alans and introduced into the scene of European history an ethnic and linguistic entity of crucial significance for further developments. The origins of the Alans are connected with Central Asia. According to Ammianus Marcellinus (31.2.16), a Roman writer of the 4th century A.D., the Alans even reached India and the Ganges in their expansion. This statement vindicates the view that the Asioi, a powerful tribe which took part in the nomadic invasions of Bactria in the 2nd century B.C., are to be identified as a people closely affiliated to the Alans (Olbrycht 1998, 95f.). The appellations Alans and As are mentioned in many sources of the Islamic period as synonyms (Barthold/Minorsky 1960,354; Altheim 1969,54fT.). A clue as to the origins of the As/Alans is the personal name Carthasis bom by a Saka king about 330 B.C. The name is interpreted as kart-as “sword of the As” and contains the ethnic designation As (Abaev 1979,293). The location of the Alan homeland in Central Asia can be detected from information given by some classical writers (Jos. Bell.Jud. 7.244; Ptol. Geogr. 6.14.9. On this issue see Olbrycht 1998, 190ff.). Moreover, the Alans’ ancestors originated in the Transcaspian areas according to some writers of the Islamic period whose sources are obviously much earlier. Such references con cerning the Alan homeland are given by Al-BTrunT, ThaclibT (Marquart 1914, 106f.; Barthold/Minorsky 1960; Harmatta 1970, 64), and the Shahname (III 6270, 8101,8323,17094, transl. by C. B. Banu-Lakhutietal., Moskva 1984ff.). This problem has already been studied in depth by Marquart (1914, 106f.) and Monchi-Zadeh (1975, 204ff.). Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 127 The designation Alan is very archaic and F. C. Andreas has linked it with arya-, Arians (Humbach 1969, 34). The Chinese sources reflect the ap pearance of the name of the Alans (in the Hou Han-shu 118, cf. Chavannese 1907, 195f.), and maintain that the Yen-ts’ai changed their name into A-lan (-liao). According to Pulleyblank (1968, 252, note 1), this statement dates to about A.D. 125. Based upon the above mentioned Chinese sources, it can be seen that they report changes in the steppe world reflecting a new state of affairs which apparently occurred due to the emergence of a people which was able to win dominance over other tribes of western Central Asia prior to A.D. 125. The cause of the Alan migration to the west was unknown to classical sources. It seems likely that the immediate catalyst for their movement was the Kang-chti, a powerful nomadic people found in the Syr Darya basin, extending from Farghana to the Aral Sea (Olbrycht 1998, 221). The Kang-chti, well known to Chinese records, can be identified with the Iaxartoi of Ptolemy (Geogr,: 6.14.10, cf. Olbrycht 1998, 135). The Classical writers Cassius Dio (69.15.1) and Ammianus Marcellinus (31.2.12; cf. 23.5.16) identify the Alans with the powerful people of the Massagetae, known in the Transcaspian steppes in the Achaemenid and Helle nistic periods. Based upon those statements and the tradition which connects the Alans with Central Asia, one can assume that the Alans were formed when some older tribal groupings embraced the Massagetae. The beginnings of the Alans are reflected in Ammianus Marcellinus in two particularly instructive passages: “Thus the Halani (whose various peoples it is unnecessary now to enumerate) are divided between the two parts of the earth, but although widely separated from each other and roaming over vast tracts, as Nomads do, yet in the course of time they have united under one name, and are, for short, all called Halani be cause of the similarity in their customs, their savage mode of life, and their weapons” (31.2.17). “(...) By repeated victories the Halani wore down the peoples whom they met and like the Persians incorporated them under their own national name” (31.2.13). Such formations of nomadic confederacies, embracing peoples of dif ferent stock, repeatedly took place in the history of the steppe peoples (Khazanov 128 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia 1975; Olbrycht 1998, 192). The Alans themselves played an important part in such a role in the empire of the Huns (Maenchen-Helfen 1978, 15ff.). The Alans became repeatedly dangerous to Parthia as they conducted raids into Iran in A.D. 73 and 135. But the first incursion of the Alans into the Caucasus area and Transcaucasia is reported in A.D. 35. In that year Josephus names them as allies of the Caucasian Iberians (Jos. Ant. 18.97. cf. Olbrycht 1998, 146-148). Josephus’ sources were obviously Parthian. Tacitus, who also offers an account of these events (Tac. Ann. 6.33.2), speaks vaguely of Sarmatians. Apparently the Alans remained unknown to our Latin-speaking sources until the 60s of the 1st century A.D. Consequently, most scholars date the appearance of the Alans in the Ponto-Caspian steppes to the 50-60s of the 1st century (see, for example, Machinskiy 1974, 132). The Alans are not mentioned in connec tion with the civil war in the Bosphoran kingdom of A.D. 48-9. In this episode, only two nomadic peoples, the Aorsi and the Siraces, are named as living in the region north of the Caucasus (Tac. Ann. 12.15ff., cf. Olbrycht 1998, 193f.). In the course of time, the Alans expanded westwards across the Volga. As stated above, the Alans firmly appear on the Roman horizon in the 60s of the 1st cen tury A.D. Their advance from Central Asia drove forward various Sarmatian tribes. It was due to their pressure that the Roxolani and the Iazygs remained active in the struggle on the Danube frontier of the Roman Empire. Some of the Aorsi had to move west, other were subjugated by the new power. The nomadic movements of the 1st century A.D. and the coming of the Alans into the North Pontic steppes brought significant changes in the culture of that area. A powerful impact of eastern elements is reflected in archaeological remains of the 1st-2ndcentury A.D. In the last decades, several rich burials of that period (mostly of the 1st century A.D.) have been excavated, including kurgan 1 at Kosika, kurgan 10 at Kobyakova by Rostov, and the burial Sokolova Mogila on the Boh (Dvomichenko/Fedorov-Davidov 1989 and 1993; Guguev 1990 and 1992). Oriental components of Central Asian origin are discernible, including polichromy and a new animal style (Treyster 1994; Olbrycht 1998, 195) in the art of this period. Furthermore, this evidence of extensive eastern influence is supported by the finds of Chinese objects discovered in the Ponto-Caspian steppe expanses, mainly dating from the 1st century B.C. onwards (Guguev/Treyster 1995). Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 129 In all likelihood, a general northern exchange route existed linking Western Turkestan with the region of the southern Urals and the North Pontic area. Trade between those countries is clearly documented from archeological research. Some coins of the Bosphoran kingdom have been found in Chorasmia. It seems that some finds recovered at Chorasmian centres, including a number of beads, also have their origins in the Sarmatian and North Pontic areas. This evidence can be linked with Ptolemy’s account of a northern route in the Pontic and Caspian steppes. Ptolemy apparently received a number of reports from merchants involved in the trade with Central Asia, he is the first classical author to mention the rivers Rha/Volga, Daix/Ural, and Iastos/Emba in the Caspian region (Ptol. Geogr. 6.14.Iff. cf. Olbrycht 1998, 211f.; Olbrycht 1998a). Probably during the 2ndand 3rdcentury A.D., the old “Sarmatian” terri tories in the Caspian steppes and in the south Ural region were seized by the Huns. In the North Pontic steppes, Iranian supremacy was ended by the Gothic invasion of around A.D. 200. In the 4thcentury A.D., most Alans acknowledged Hunnic supremacy and merged with their conquerors (Yatsenko 1993). After this they retreated westwards, inflicting a defeat on the Ostrogothic Kingdom. The Alans played an active role in the political life of Roman Empire in the 4th- 5th centuries A.D. (Bachrach 1973). Alan groupings moved into Central and West Europe reaching even Spain and Britain during the upheavals of the Great Migration Period. Alan detachments crossed over into Africa and finally took part in the creation of the Vandal kingdom there. A number of archaeological remains in Western Europe have been associated with the Alans (Sulimirski 1970a, 185ff.; Kuznetsov 1996). It is believed that the Alans influenced Celtic poetry, including the cycle of legends concerning King Arthur and his knights of the Round Table (Abaev 1985, 802 with further references). According to T. Sulimirski (1970a, 166f.), the Western Alans, possibly the Antae, entered even the territory of Poland, and ancient Sarmatian traditions survived in Cen tral Europe for a long time. Sizable Alan elements were also present in Hungary until the 15thcentury A.D. Some of the Alans remained in the Crimea area and in the Caucasus. The Alans living in the North Caucasus are treated as the ances tors of the present-day Ossets. Alan settlers and soldiers are mentioned even in China in the Mongol period (Barthold/Minorsky 1960; Abaev 1985, 802). 130 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia Conclusions Having surveyed the main historical developments in the Ponto-Caspian steppes and the adjacent areas, we may discern the broad contours of several principal movements. Thus, a preliminary structure of these chronological stages, embracing the influx of respectively new Iranian groupings, can be proposed. I. The Chemogorovka-Novocherassk phase (10^-7* centuries B.C.) This phase begins with the gradual infiltration of cultural elements coming from the Caspian and Pontic steppes into Southeastern and Central Eu rope. This process was a lengthy one and all its stages are poorly documented. It seems, however, that the nomads who penetrated vast areas of Europe in the 10^-8* centuries B.C. were of Iranian stock and their main body came from Central Asia. The remainders of these groupings may have been the Agathyrsi, known as enemies of the Scythians. II. The period of Scythian hegemony in the North Caucasus and North Pontic steppes (7th-4th centuries B.C.) At the end of the 8thcentury B.C., we have some indications that Scythian groups were beginning to raid Southeastern and Central Europe. The Scythians supplanted the Cimmerians from the north Caspian steppes. In the 7th century B.C., the Scythians were closely linked with the state of affairs in Asia south of the Caucasus and subdued Media as well as some other countries of Western Asia. “The North Caucasian Scythians”, as we may term the major unit, would prove to be o formidable force in the Near East. Eventually, however, the Scythians were overthrown by the Medes and expelled from Asia (prior to 600 B.C.). In the 7th-6th centuries B.C., the centre of Scythian power shifted west wards and the Scythians firmly seized the North Pontic steppes. At this time, Scythian detachments undertook a number of raids in Central Europe. It seems that the emergence of the Sauromatians on the Don was connected with Scythian activities in Western Asia and the movement of Iranian-speaking groupings com ing from Iran. Added to these groupings, were elements from the tribes which inhabited the North Caucasian-Kuban steppes, including some Scythians and Maiotians. In the same way the Siginni advanced from beyond the Caucasus and occupied parts of the Hungarian plain. The memory of earlier relations Marek J. Olbrycht Notes on the presence o f Iranian peoples in Europe. 131 between Media and the steppe tribes was probably preserved in the Iranian na tional epic and the Zariadres story can perhaps be connected with the period of close contacts between the Medes and the kindred groupings north of the Caucasus. III. The Sarmatian period - the Royal Sarmatians and the Iazygs (4th-2nd centu ries B.C.) Probably during the 4th century B.C., various steppe tribes, driven out of their abode by the turmoil in Central Asia, subjugated the Sauromatians and then (at the end of the 4th century B.C. and beginning of the 3rd century B.C.) defeated the Scythians. These new peoples, coming from beyond the Volga, were called the Sarmatians by our later sources. Their core was formed by the Royal Sarmatians and the Iazygs. The newcomers presumably absorbed the Sauromatian tribal groups. It seems that the Sauromatians were, in fact, origi nally distinct from the Sarmatians, although both tribes were obviously of Ira nian stock and certainly spoke similar tongues. In the 3rdcentury B.C., the Celts and the Bastamae appeared in the North Pontic area playing an important part in the region. IV. The hegemony of the Aorsi and Upper Aorsi (2nd century B.C.-1st century A.D.) Around 175-130 B.C., new steppe tribes appeared in the areas west of the Volga. These groupings, called the Aorsi, Upper Aorsi, and Siraces, crushed the power of the Royal Sarmatians and Iazygs, setting into motion a chain of events that resulted in the arrival of Sarmatian tribes in the Danube area. Strabo expresses the view that the Aorsi and Siraces who came to the Ponto-Caspian steppes were the fugitive remnants of the more eastern tribes. V. The Alan domination in the steppes (I’m * century A.D.) In the period around A.D. 35-60, the Alans quickly made their pres ence felt in the Caspian and Pontic steppes. The Alans should be identified as the successors of the ancient Massagetae, but their huge confederation con tained different ethnic groupings, including parts of the Aorsi and the Upper Aorsi. Around A.D. 200, the North Pontic steppes were subjugated by the Goths. 132 Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia The Alans living east of the Don were defeated by the Huns about A.D. 370 and joined the victors in their expansion. The era of Iranian predominance in the Ponto-Caspian steppes came to an end. Most Iranian tribes entering Europe took possession of the last outpost of the Eurasian steppe in Central Europe: the Hungarian plain. Here, they un derwent a number of changes and were transformed, both ethnically (as they mingled with the indigenous substratum) and economically (denomadicization). The interaction of these Iranian groups with the local populations of Europe was largely ignored by our written sources. However, archaeology points to considerable cultural interchange. The movements of many steppe tribes to ward Europe introduced new ethnic elements of Asiatic origin into this large area. Iranian groupings of the pre-Scythian period, the Scythians, the Sauromatians, various Sarmatian tribes, the Roxolani, the Aorsi, and the Alans contributed to the development of culture not only in the Ponto-Caspian steppes, but also in other areas as they were driven into many countries at different points in time. The history of Southeastern and Central Europe in the ancient period can be properly understood only within the context of the relations between the sedentary tribes and the Eurasian steppe nomads. Such a relationship is clearly visible in the medieval history of Rus, the Hungarians, the Bulgars, as well as in that of Poland. The Iranian presence in Europe was also connected with the Old Per sian Imperial period. For several decades of the 6th and 5th centuries B.C., the Achaemenid Persians managed to subjugate parts of the Balkan area (Hammond 1980; Paj^kowski 1983; Balcer 1988) and carried out campaigns against the Scythians of what today is the Ukraine (Chernenko 1984). Persian culture ex erted a powerful impact on the Balkan peoples and even after the retreat of the Achaemenids from Europe, Persian influences remained strong (Bouzek/ Ondrejova 1987, 86ff.). A fragment of an Old Persian inscription was found in Gherla in Transylvania (Rumania) in 1937 (Harmatta 1954). According to J. Harmatta, the Gherla inscription goes back to Darius I. From Herodotus (4.87) we know that during his campaign against the Scythians, Darius erected several inscriptions in Thrace. Marek J. 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SA = Sovetskaya Arkheologiya. VDI = Vestnik Drevney Istorii.

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Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations